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hovah had forsaken him. Poor man! If he had been content to obey God without calculating consequences, he could never have been driven to such shifts.
What good have they done us, who," accustomed to such things," have been "calculating consequences" for the benefit of this nation? At the close of the war of the revolution, how powerfully did not a thousand things press upon us the claims of the American negro ! Freedom had led us through a struggle, which had well nigh exhausted our strength, and consumed our resources. In that struggle, the negro had a far deeper interest than his white brethren. Chains a thousand fold heavier, hung upon his limbs. Tho' bruised and crushed by our hands, he gave us his sympathies, and "came up to our help." And when the shouts of victory broke upon his ears; O, with what imploring looks did he not urge upon us the demand, "am I not a man and a brother?" What could have steeled our hearts to such an appeal! Ah, what was it? What grim fiend stifled the yearnings of nature within us, and closed our ears to the voice of God? Instead of doing what in their inmost hearts, they felt to be right and good, the patriots of this nation fell to "calculating consequences." As the result of this cruel process, they had the assurance to tell their suppliant brother, that though he had assisted them in stripping off their chains, they had found it expedient to rivet his upon his limbs ! And they quieted themselves and the nation, by insinuating the hope, that in process of time, these chains, though every link was made of iron, would gradually rot away and disappear. And so the republic was founded on an expedient, which gave up one sixth of the nation, to the cupidity, lust, and cruelty, of the rest! This piece of state policy has been regarded by our self-complacent, and boastful countrymen, as a striking proof of the wisdom of our political patriarchs. What an ingenious expedient to harmonize jarring interests! And every body's welfare provided for, except that of a few thousand helpless creatures, who were to be sacrificed to national prejudice and national avarice, and whose tears and blood might cement the glorious Union! But God "taketh the wise in their own craftiness." What already have been the results of this laying myriads of human victims on the altar of state policy? In the church, human cunning has to a fearful extent usurped the place of divine wisdom. Expe
diency has seized upon the throne of rectitude. Under its sway the national heart has become lamentably corrupt. Those who are "set for the defence of the gospel," the appointed guardians of the public morals, are seen in great numbers following those whom they ought to guide; caressing those whom they should rebuke; floating passively down the stream, which they ought to stem. As might well have been expected, the monster whom ruler and subjects, priest and people, had conspired to fatten with negro blood, eager and insatiate, now opens his jaws and clamors for white victims. Expediency seconds his demands, and declares that he must not be denied. Better glut his maw with unnumbered victims, than tempt his rage and expose "the Union" to his snaky folds! And so the rights of white freemen as well as black bondmen, have been vilely set at nought. They have been insulted, mocked, and murdered with impunity. American citizens are counted exiles and outlaws in their own country. The fat priest and the supple statesman, with the man of learning and the man of fashion, and the man of wealth, have joined in a conspiracy with the ignorant, the debauched, and the desperate, to crush every one who may dare to call in question the divine right of slaveholding. Thus our country is forced to the very verge of ruin. And the very expedient, which worldly wisdom, at the expence of truth, and righteousness, and humanity, employed to form our vaunted Union, has already opened the way for its dissolution! What thanks must we not owe to those, who, in the language of Dr. Rice, are "accustomed to calculate consequences !"
Dr. Rice had a great dread of enlisting "the religious feeling" in the struggle with slavery, on account of its unmanageableness. He was not alone. Not a few, both at the South and at the North, have the same sentiment. They seem to be aware that if impelled by their "religious feeling," christians enter on the examination of the nature and bearings of American slavery, nothing can so "manage" them out of their reason, consciences, and hearts, as to put them asleep amidst such abominations as prevail around them. "The love of Christ will constrain them" to "remember those who are in bonds as bound with them;" to recognize in them the accredited representative of their Saviour. Thus affected, no "benevolent society" could relax its efforts till slavery
was swept from the face of all the earth. This matter has been familiar to the thoughts of such champions as oppression has found in Duff Green, and his reverend coadjutors at Princeton.
What wonder, then, that our theological and ecclesiastical "managers" should exert themselves so strenuously to get ahead of the "religious feeling." If they fail here they seem to be aware that all is lost to the "patriarchal institution" of slavery. If the "religious feeling" should once open the way for the claims of the oppressed to be thoroughly canvassed and fairly judged of, it would spurn the restraints which have hitherto, to so great an extent, availed to "manage" it. Hence the thousand expedients, which are in a thousand ways employed to prevent free discussion.
Let those who are curious to know by what sort of management, theological professors and titled ecclesiastics may exert themselves to prevent the "religious feeling" from gushing forth in favor of the enslaved, study the "resolutions"* lately taken by the Associations of Connecticut and Massachusetts. They will see what shifts the keepers of their neighbors' consciences can resort to, to prevent light from streaming in upon the human mind through other than the regular and appointed "windows." We advise these men to examine well the foundation of their authority, before they presume too much upon the readiness of the church to wear the yoke, which they are trying to fasten on her neck. The airs they put on in disposing of evangelists and lecturers, remind us of the condescension with which his Majesty, King George, received an Indian Prince. He kindly held out his hand for the copper-colored foreigner to kiss. But the monarch of the forest promptly declined the honor, with the characteristic exclamation, "Humph, I king too!" How much the peace of Zion will be promoted by constraining evangelists, and lecturers, and agents-aye, all christian people to assert and exercise their rights, is a question, which we leave with our peace-loving resolution
"Resolved, that the operations of itinerant agents and lecturers, attempting to enlighten the churches in respect to particular points of Christian doctrine and Christian morals, and to control the religious sentiment of the community on topics which fall most appropriately within the sphere of pastoral instruction and pastoral discretion as to time and manner, without the advice and consent of the pastors and regular ecclesiastical bodies, are an unauthorized interference with the RIGHTS, duties and discretion of the stated ministry-dangerous to the influence of the pastoral office, and fatal to the peace and good order of the churches."
makers. But we take the liberty to express our full convic tion, that in their efforts to reach the slave, the friends of human nature will hold "the even tenor of their way," despite of the obstacles which may thus be thrown before them.
We beg leave to assure such as "are not quite" certain "that Dr. Rice's views of slavery and its remedy," are not both "just and important," that the abolitionists are prepared highly to appreciate the "religious feeling." Under its impulse, they have been constrained to take their position by the side of the slave; to give him their sympathy and assistance. The "religious feeling" taught them to regard him "as a man and a brother;" to identify their interests with his; and with their eye lifted up to their common Father, calmly to expect to participate in whatever of weal or of woe might fall to his lot. Had they looked upon him with the eyes of economists or politicians merely, they might not perhaps have been wholly "unmanageable." Their views might have been modified, and their movements controlled by the state of the market, or the demands of an election. They might thus have been bribed, as thousands, aye, millions have been bribed, to leave him in the hands of thieves and assassins, with the atheistic* inquiry upon their lips, what good will it do for us to attempt any thing for his relief? But while they recognize in him one of God's own children-dear to that heart which bled for the world's redemption, the "religious feeling" will not permit them to look on unmoved, and see wretches, by an authority more absolute than God himself ever claimed, forcing him to herd and wallow with the swine. No "management," however cunning, can put a stop to their exertions for his deliverance. When it can be shown, that reason, conscience, humanity, the Bible, are against them, then, and not till then, they will abandon their bleeding brother. Till then, they may be expected to do their utmost to bring the "religious feeling" of the nation to subserve the cause of holy freedom.
But "benevolent societies have no means," we are reminded by Dr. Rice "of accomplishing their measures, but the producing, by means of speeches and addresses, a strong excitement." In other words, instead of wielding the law
* Job xxi. 15. What is the Almighty that we should serve Him; and wHAT PROFIT should we have, if we pray unto Him.
making, and war-waging power, they must be content to compass the ends they aim at, by moral suasion. With this, they may well be content. More than this, they need not demand. Give the friends of truth and freedom access to the understandings, consciences, and hearts of their fellow citizens; let them state facts, urge arguments, make appeals in the presence of the nation, and the dungeons of oppression will speedily crumble with the dust. Of this the abettors of slavery are well aware. Hence their desperate efforts to chain thought, to cripple inquiry, gag discussion. Do not those, who are almost if not "quite" ready to subscribe to the views of Dr. Rice know, that in a republic like ours, law-makers and their laws are indebted for their life and power altogether to public sentiment? Let this be corrupt, and wickedness in every form may be legally enacted. Purify this, and good laws shine upon the pages of the statute-book. And purified it may be under God "by an excitement produced by speeches and addresses"-by the power of moral suasion. And who will forbid Reason to expose, rebuke, and restrain the wayward Will? But the excitement! Let it come! Let the infectious pool, stagnant, green, alive with abominable reptiles, be agitated. Who would not invoke and welcome the storm? Better inhale the breath of the tempest than the infection of the plague. We do not choose to withdraw our sympathies from a celebrated "producer of excitement by means of speeches and addresses" with whom we desire to unite in ojects, methods, spirit and hopes-that great master of moral suasion, who once exclaimed; "For though we walk in the flesh, we do not war after the flesh: For the weapons of our warfare are not carnal, but mighty through God to the pulling down of strong holds; casting down imaginations and every high thing, that exalteth itself against the knowledge of God, and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of Christ.' Will the Christian Spectator inform us, whether in achieving such victories, the Apostle welcomed as an auxiliary "the religious feeling," and whether he ever tried, even at the hazard of an excitement, to enlist it by "speeches and addresses ?"
Dr. Rice believed, "that it never fared well with either church or state, when the CHURCH MEDDLED WITH TEMPORAL AFFAIRS!" With temporal affairs! And from what