engagements speak a language which cannot be mistaken and which will not be forgotten.

I will here advert to one fact, showing the general enthusiasm which pervaded the whigs of that day in favor of the cause of their country. At the great battle of Saratoga, when the hope of success had nerved the arm of every soldier, the commanding general addressed a communication to the Assembly of New Hampshire, then in session, for more men. The Assembly was under the direction of our venerated Langdon. The communication was read, and without delay the field of legislation was exchanged for the field of battle. Langdon and his friends flew to the aid of Gates and of their country. Victory followed. Burgoyne was captured, and public confidence was revived. And now, Sir, is there any man in this committee who would wish to humble that noble, proud and patriotic spirit, by withholding justice from the militia and extending it to the troops of the Continental army? I will not believe it. I cannot for a moment believe that at this day of general prosperity, the representatives of this free republic would be or could be disposed by such partial legislation to do such great injustice.

We are now happy at home, enjoying every blessing which can pertain to freemen. We are respected abroad, participating in every right guarantied to the most honored nation. We cannot fail to realize, that every interest of our beloved country is most prosperous. Every citizen in this great republic is made secure in the enjoyment of all his rights, by the moral influence of our free institutions. How wonderful have been the practical effects of the American revolution! How great has been the advance of our general population, the march of improvement, the progress of the arts! Our extended and extending West comes forth in all her majesty, in all her physical and moral power, to bear evidence to the wondering world of the great and glorious fruits of the revolution. The cause of learning, the pure

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spirit of christianity trace their astonishing advancement to the impulse received at that eventful period. The science of self-government, the free institutions of our land, rest upon a deep and enduring foundation, laid in the war of the revolution. In every latitude, in every region, in every part of Christendom, are to be found the effects of American genius, American enterprise, and of American industry.

And while we contemplate the universal prosperity and happiness which pervades our land, can we fail to take a retrospect, and bring to mind, by whose efforts and energies, by whose services and sacrifices these invaluable blessings have been secured? In the dark days of the revolution our beloved country was poor, of limited resources, little able to fulfil to the letter her engagements; her soldiers were neither fed nor clothed nor paid according to the stipulation of the government; the general currency of the country was greatly depreciated. These unfailing friends could not at such a time have received their honest, their just demands.

Nevertheless their devotion to her cause suffered no change. Through good report and through evil report, in her prosperity and in her adversity, they went for their country and for nothing but their country.

Let us then unite with one mind and with one heart to effect a satisfactory payment of this debt, a debt which we should most willingly admit, a debt which our country is now well able satisfactorily to discharge. And shall we stop, the descendants of our revolutionary fathers, the children of the patriots of that day; shall we, freemen, the native sons of the soil, stop to calculate the dollars and cents, the pounds and the pence which the passage of this bill may annually draw from our treasury. God forbid. I would have never entered upon any such inglorious work, had it not have been time and again reiterated, that the passage of such a bill as this would impoverish our country, bring ruin upon our republic. I would pass this bill, were I cer

tain that the consequent exaction upon me would require the surrender of the better half of my estate. I would then have left the consolation that the claims of our revolutionary patriots had been satisfied, without whose triumphant efforts every thing here would have been valueless; political rights and political privileges would have been any thing but political blessings.

But calculations have been made. It is true that all computations touching this subject must be founded somewhat in conjecture. It is impossible to arrive at absolute certainty.

The sum of the whole matter is, that if this bill should now pass, for a few years to come a million of dollars may be required to carry its purposes into full effect. But it can only be required for a few, a very few years. The surviving soldiers of the revolution have already passed that boundary which has been assigned by high authority as the duration of human existence.

If by reason of their strength they should continue until four score years, yet will their strength be labor and sorrow. They must be soon cut off; their places will soon know them no more for ever. The day of their departure must be at hand their years must be nearly numbered. While I am now speaking, I am forcibly reminded that even this short delay may operate to the injury of some faithful veteran of the revolution. I am reminded that, while I am staying the progress of this bill, the spirits of many of those unfailing friends of the country may have mingled with the kindred spirits of just men made perfect. I am reminded by the journals of the day, by every newspaper that I take into my hands, that here and there the brave founders of the republic are daily increasing the congregation of the dead. I am reminded by the kind letter of a reverend clergyman in this city, received since I came into this hall, that one for whose relief a bill had been prepared has been gathered to his fathers. I cannot fail to be reminded by these events

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that I ought to proceed no farther. I would then most solemnly urge this committee not to delay the passage of this bill; and my fervent prayer to the Father of the faithful would be, that many may long live to enjoy its benefits; that they may be induced to call around them their children and their children's children, and by one more patriotic effort rivet their affections still stronger to the republic, by pointing out to them this act of the justice and gratitude of their beloved country.

BOCHIM.

BY MRS.

ELIZA B.

THORNTON.

"And they called the name of that place Bochim; (weeping;) and they sacrificed there unto the Lord."- Judges ii. 5.

Nor in our sunny paths altars we raise,
Not where the roses bloom offer we praise;

Where the dark cypress boughs shadow our way,
Where the dark willow swings- there do we pray.

Not when the morning light opens the flowers,
Not when in glory roll day's perfect hours;
When the last rosy light fadeth away,
When the dew shuts the flower

then do we pray.

Not when the circle is whole at the hearth,
And bright faces gladden the home of their birth;
When the turf covers or seas bear away

Those we have watched over- then do we pray.

Not when the heart we love turns to us, true,
When the bright morning brings love, again new;
When the heart trusted in turneth away,
And the eye answereth not- then do we pray.

Not when the light of bliss shines on the brow,
Not when hope whispers, sweet, "ever as now;"
When the heart sinketh and hope dies away,
When the eye weepeth sore then do we pray.

Beautiful, then, be our valley of tears,

With altars the heart in its wretchedness rears;
Nor grieve we, nor pine, that in grief we must share,
Since our valley of tears is a temple of prayer.