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China. They are forces to conjure with in the social, intellectual, and moral transformation of the empire. To them, as much as to any other agency, let us frankly acknowledge it, was due the reform movement that so lately startled the conservative reactionists. Christianity, if true to itself, cannot enter China without reforming it in many radical ways. These throb

Western literature in Chinese dress has taxed to the utmost the resources of these presses. The issues of the Society for the Diffusion of Christian and General Knowledge, and the five other tract societies, have been unprecedented. Religious Tract Society of London makes an extensive contribution of valuable literature to the Chinese vernaculars. The Bible is translated into 24 distinct languages or dialects of the empire, bings of a higher life, these half-conscious thrills and is widely distributed.

In 124 Protestant mission hospitals and 240 dispensaries from which recent reports have been received are treated annually 1,700,500 patients. There are still 20 hospitals and 31 dispensaries concerning which no record has come to hand. Orphanages and foundling asylums under Protestant care number 9; leper asylums, 11; schools for the blind, 10; opium refuges, 61; Young Men's Christian Associations, 47; and similar organizations for young women, 7. There are efforts also in the interest of temperance, purity, and the abolishing of foot-binding; the latter movement not being exclusively missionary, but favored and supported by an influential group of ladies belonging to the families of merchants, diplomats, and other foreign residents. The total value of mission property is not at hand as I write, but it must be many millions of dollars.

These are some of the illuminating and benefi cent results of the missionary occupation of

It

of destiny, are pulsing in some of the best blood of China; and, as is already true in Japan, they will contribute a measure of capacity and solid worth to the public service of the state which in time will act a decisive part in molding the national destiny of one-fourth of the human race. Let us not be dismayed by the present phenomenal international experience in the far East! means, clearly: Hands off China merely for purposes of conquest, partition, or political aggrandizement; hands on China to secure at least the decencies and necessities of orderly government, the observance of treaty obligations, the "open door" to trade, civilization, human intercourse, and religious liberty. This will insure, at the same time, the highest wel. fare of the Chinese, and unveil to them the hidden import of their long-neglected and scorned opportunity to fulfill their mission in the sisterhood of nations, to which they rightfully belong.

JAPAN'S PRESENT ATTITUDE TOWARDS CHINA.*

THER

BY JOSEPH KING GOODRICH.

HERE is but little in the deportment of the people to indicate that Japan is again engaged in something very like a war with China, and conditions are very different from what they were in 1894. Then, the excitement reached to the remotest corner of the land; to-day, there is nothing to be noticed outside of the ordinary routine of life in such a place as this; and even in Tokyo and at the ports, one would have to look closely to detect the fact that something unusual was occurring. It seems as if the people realize that they are now coöperating with other civilized powers in a deed of common humanity, and it lends a dignity to their demeanor which was conspicuously absent in the whirl of excitement that marked every step six years ago. At

*This article, from the pen of an experienced observer of Japanese politics, was written at Kyoto, Japan, on July 24 last, and received at the office of the REVIEW OF REVIEWS on August 13.

that time there was a disagreeable anti-foreign spirit apparent, which led to sundry unpleasant encounters; it has not entirely disappeared, but to-day the people are reasonably considerate of all-even the Chinese are not molested. There is little reason for the Japanese feeling unkindly toward the Chinese who remain here, for most of them are far from being in sympathy with the Boxers, and most of them are perfectly outspoken in their adverse comments upon the unfriendly acts of their government. I can but think that when peace is restored in China, and the other powers acknowledge Japan's part in the war, as, surely, they must do, the result will be of pleasing benefit to foreigners in Japan.

Too much importance can hardly be attached to the telegraphic communications which have recently passed between the Emperor of China and the Emperor of Japan. On July 11 his Excellency Li Sheng-toh, the Chinese Minister to

Japan, called at the foreign office in Tokyo and submitted the following telegraphic message addressed to the Emperor of Japan :

HIS IMPERIAL CHINESE MAJESTY'S TELEGRAM. We, the Emperor of China, to His Majesty the Emperor of Japan, Greeting!

Our country being on terms of intimate friendship and mutual reliance with Your Majesty's country, it was a great shock to Us that the chancellor of Your Majesty's Legation was about a month ago attacked and put to death. Profoundly touched by this sad event, We caused steps to be taken for the arrest and punishment of the perpetrators of the crime. But the Powers, suspecting that in the prevailing conflict between Our Christian and non-Christian subjects Our Government was supporting the non-Christians against the Christians, attacked and occupied the forts at Taku. Thus hostilities were commenced, and the situation has become more and more complicated.

From the general trend of events in the world, We are persuaded that the East and the West confront each other; and that Your Majesty's country and Ours are the only Powers that maintain their ground in the East. It is not China alone which is made the object of the ambitious longings of the Powers that assert their strength in the West. Should China fail to hold her own, We are afraid that Your Majesty's country might also find the situation untenable. The interests of the two countries are therefore linked together, and We venture to hope that Your Majesty may find it possible to set aside for the present questions of minor importance and make common cause with Us in the maintenance of Our general interests. China is at the present moment so completely occupied in conducting military operations for the suppression of the insurgents, that it is impossible for her to take proper measures for averting the dangers from outside and for bringing the complication to a successful termination. We are therefore constrained to rely on the support of that country which like Our own dominions forms part of Asia.

Under these circumstances, We present this message to Your Majesty in the spirit of absolute frankness and truthfulness, and beg that Your Majesty will take such action as may be deemed adequate in Your judgment to restore order and peace under Your powerful guidance. We also most earnestly beg Your Majesty to favor Us with a reply.

The 7th day of the sixth month of the 26th year of Kuang Hsü (July 3, 1900).

In answer to the above the following reply from the Emperor was handed to the Chinese Minister, who doubtless at once transmitted it by wire :

HIS IMPERIAL JAPANESE MAJESTY'S REPLY.

We, the Emperor of Japan, to His Majesty the Emperor of China, Greeting!

The report that We received some time ago announcing the murder of Sugiyama, Chancellor of Our Legation at Peking, has so far lacked all positive confirmation, and it has therefore been a cause of profound grief and regret to Us to be assured of the correctness of that report by the telegram just received from Your Majesty.

Since that sad event took place, the insurgents in the northern parts of Your Majesty's dominion have become more and more violent and their lawlessness has been unbounded. They have, We are informed, not only surrounded and attacked the foreign diplomatic Representatives, the members of their suites, and other foreigners, but have even massacred the Minister of a certain Power: We are further informed that Your Majesty's troops fail not only to afford any relief to the foreign Ministers, but to suppress the insurgents. We need not remind Your Majesty of the fact that under International Law diplomatic agents are entitled to the highest respect and that their person is inviolable. Any offense against their person is therefore a direct contravention of International Law, and it is not necessary to point out the extreme gravity of the responsibility that would be incurred when the offense consists in their murder.

If Your Majesty's Government earnestly suppresses the insurgents and rescues the foreign Representatives, their suites, and other foreigners, We trust the difficulties of the situation might not prove insurmountable. We wish Your Majesty to understand that the suppression of the insurgents and the rescue of the foreign Representatives are duties which Your Majesty owes no less to Your Own country than to the other nations of the world, a duty the fulfillment of which does not admit of the least delay or hesitation. Since last month the Powers have dispatched large forces to Tientsin, and Japan has likewise found it necessary to send her troops. In taking this step the object kept in view has been to suppress the insurgents and to rescue the diplomatic Representatives and other foreigners. Beyond that the Powers have no ulterior motive. If Your Majesty's Government should lose no time in rescuing the Ministers of foreign nations from their dangerous position, such action on Your Majesty's part would, We trust, be recognized as an indication of Your Majesty's sincere wish to avoid rupture with foreign nations, and it would lead to the mitigation of the dangers impending over Your Majesty's country.

Our Government, as is known to Your Majesty, entertains feelings of cordial friendship for Your Majesty's country, so that should circumstances make it necessary Japan will not decline to use her good offices on behalf of China. If Your Majesty's Government, therefore, at once suppress the insurrection and actually rescue the foreign Representatives, Japan will be prepared to use her influence, in eventual negotiations between Your country and foreign nations, with a view to conserve the interests of Your Empire.

It is Our earnest wish that this telegraphic reply to Your Majesty's message will receive the serious consideration of Your Majesty.

The 13th day of the 7th month of the 33d year of Meiji (July 13, 1900).

The contrast between the spirit shown by the two monarchs is most marked: that of the Chi. nese Emperor, in spite of the fact of his being supposed to be imbued with a spirit of progress, evincing a desire to establish a common cause between China and Japan against the ambitious longings of the powers that assert their strength in the West." The reply of the Japanese Emperor gives us much encouragement to

believe that he and his advisers appreciate fully the responsibility which they took upon themselves just one year ago, and the comments of the native press upon this telegraphic correspondence augur well for the spirit of the people of Japan. The Japan Times, printed in English, but under Japanese editorship, says:

Whether or not such help will be forthcoming from this country, entirely depends upon whether or not China will yet disown the barbarous and suicidal actions of the group of statesmen now dominant in Peking. It should be distinctly understood that her fundamental national policy of enlightened progress absolutely precludes Japan from associating her interests with those of any country, however closely allied to her by ties of history or race, that blindly and willfully refuses to identify itself with the higher interests of humanity and civilization. That the statesmen at Peking painfully fail to grasp this evident truth, is unfortunately made too plain by the silly proposal made by them that Japan should "make common cause with China" against the ambitious designs of the Western nations! The proposal is, indeed, so absurd that it has deservedly been ignored altogether in his Majesty's reply. There will be no hope for China unless and until her leaders awake to the truth that the real danger to China or any other Asiatic nation lies in its obstinate refusal or its innate incapacity to take its place in that march of general progress which is irresistibly sweeping away all that is opposed to its course. Had China recognized this truth and acted upon it in the same whole-hearted manner as we have done, she could not possibly have been overtaken by a disaster like that which now hangs over her.

There is only one diplomatic journal in Japan, the Gaiko Jiho, and its opinion as to Japan's attitude in the present crisis is that it is important for the country to choose one of the three follow ing-named courses :

(1) To take a similar stand with the powers in their concert, and to execute their resolution passively.

(2) To propose to undertake, voluntarily, a greater share of work than the other powers, provided that they do not object to it.

(3) To consent to undertake a greater share after the other powers, in consequence of their inability, begin to depend upon Japan.

The first is entirely opposed to the spirit of this people, and may be set aside without comment. Of the second, it may be said that it seems to be the course which the powers would thrust upon Japan; and, in this connection, reference may be made to the dispatch from the foreign community at Shanghai, saying that it is the universal opinion there that should Japan fail to rescue the foreigners in Peking, she would be guilty of an unpardonable crime. against humanity. The Japanese press strongly, and it must be admitted, naturally, protests against this charge. Japan has already shown

her willingness to do more than her share; but the question of rescuing the foreigners in Peking cannot be solved by sentiment alone the physical obstacles are serious; and it is not yet made patent that Japan is bound to incur the enormous pecuniary expense and to make the necessary sacrifice of human life in accomplishing that which is as much the duty of others to do as it is that of Japan. Indeed, we of the United States are the last to take this position against Japan; and there is a growing disposition in Japan, and in China, too, to hold us partly responsible for the present distressing state of affairs. Posing as the champion of freedom, liberty, and advancing civilization, it was our duty to have aided the efforts made by the young Chinese Emperor, almost three years ago, to start his great nation along the path of progress. We did nothing then, perhaps because we could not. But he must have been blind indeed who did not see, three months ago, the grave menace that threatened the foreigners in China; and then was the time for us to have sent a few regiments to Taku and some men-ofwar, to be ready for an emergency. We could have done it without arousing the jealousy of other powers; Japan could not have done so.

The consensus of opinion seems to be in favor of the third line of action, and encouragement in this direction is found in the assurances that Russia has ceased to view Japan's activity with. jealousy. In the early days of the present trouble, Russia was inclined to view with considerable suspicion Japan's attitude; but, seeing the Japanese forces coöperating with those of other nations and showing themselves especially valiant. in the Taku engagement, Russia seems to have come to understand the Japanese better, and the firm policy of the Japanese Government, which has made it possible for its contingent to occupy an important position among the allies, is being welcomed by Russia. It is further reported that Russia is very anxious that Japan keep on increasing her strength in the field, and declares that Japan will be the only power able to maneuver a large army in China under the existing circumstances. Some idea of the expense which Japan is assuming in this campaign may be gathered from the fact that it is estimated that, for maintaining one army division in Northern China for the period of one month, a sum of about 4,000,000 yen (say, two million gold dollars) will be required; and if, as is more than probable, another division has to be sent, the expense by the end of November-and hostilities can hardly be brought to a close before that time -will be in the neighborhood of twenty million gold dollars. Surely, but little complaint can

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the landing of the last sections of the Hiroshima army division,-which, by the way, is organized as a complete army corps in every branch of the service, the Japanese force in China will be about 22,000 strong, which will be sufficient to hold the situation at Tientsin, but hardly enough. to effect the much-desired relief of the foreigners in Peking; and it is pleasing to note that the Japanese Government has shown unmistakable evidence of its willingness to respond to the mandate of civilization, with the approval of the world, in such a manner as shall enable her to do the work promptly, thoroughly, and efficiently.

Military affairs in Japan are not more active than was to be expected. The prompt mobilization of the army division at Hiroshima, and its dispatch to China with something of the same expedition that marked the action of the authorities six years ago, is not more than was looked for; and it was all done without any of the former cry of making the glory of Japan's arms shine beyond the sea." In view of the probability of there being further calls for troops for China, it has been decided to omit the usual autumn army maneuvers. General staff duty is now active in barrack and armory inspection, and it is likely that at least one more division will soon find itself receiving that practice in its profession which comes from an actual campaign.

For home defense nothing in the least unusual is taking place, and it is impossible for one here to ascertain the source of, or to verify, those absurd rumors that appear in the home papers as to Japan's placing live torpedoes in any (not to say all) of her harbors. The agents of mail steamers have not been notified of this, and we have yet to learn of a "torpedo pilot" having been placed upon any vessel entering Nagasaki, Kobe, or Yokohama harbors. There is considerable activity at the navy yards, but it is of the open kind that is to be expected when Japan is working harmoniously with other powers in a common cause. There must always be a certain amount of uncertainty as to what Russia will do next; yet while Japan has not diminished aught of her watchfulness, it does appear as if there were less danger of friction between Russia and Japan now than there has been for many months, although the imminence of an outbreak of hostilities between those two nations which has been such a constant theme with the American and European papers has never been evident to a careful observer who is right on the spot.

The authorities are urging upon the people the importance of showing hospitality and affording all possible assistance to the refugees who are arriving from China in increasing num

bers. Many of the unfortunates have been laboring hard in the cause of their religion, while others deserve no less sympathy for the cruel loss inflicted upon them by the present disturbances. Some-indeed, a goodly number-were barely able to make their escape with what they wore on their backs and carried in their hands, and have landed here in a state of absolute distress. The Japanese press voices the hope that the government and people will see that these unfor tunate persons have no cause to regret their fleeing to these shores from the scenes of bloodshed and pillage which are to be met with in some parts of the neighboring empire. Unfortunately, this humanitarian spirit is more than offset by the heartless spirit of pecuniary greed that possesses the hotel-keepers; and prices at places to which the refugees from China would naturally go are being advanced to rates which must deplete the slender purses of those who would pay if they could; the impecunious are being cared for by the charitable as well as is possible.

The gist of local politics is given by the Japan Times, in the following:

While the public attention is absorbed by the Chinese problem, an important political development is silently and slowly taking place among us, which, when consummated, will signalize the opening of a new epoch in the constitutional history of Japan. We mean the organization of a new political party by Marquis Ito. The idea of forming a party such as will command the confidence of the people and be able to undertake the organization of a strong and efficient cabinet has been in the mind of the veteran statesman ever since he left office just two years ago. That he has been steadily directing his efforts to the realization of his object must have been patent to anybody who has followed his remarkable lecturing tours throughout the country during the past twelve months-one of the themes which he dwelt upon with most emphasis in his speeches being the necessity of a well-disciplined and responsible party.

The offer of the leadership of the Liberal party last May was somewhat embarrassing to the marquis; but he put it aside, and now he is about ready to launch his new party. The platform has not been published, but it must not be supposed that even Marquis Ito can lead the Japanese people by the nose, and strong opposition to his scheme is heard in certain quarters. It would seem as if the present were an inopportune moment for making such a radical change as this new party contemplates; but many of the leading statesmen contend that the necessity for party reformation is so urgent as to brook of no delay, even if the country be engaged in war, for the attitude of the new cabinet will be in entire harmony with the present plan of campaign, and its capacity for handling matters of wide importance will be greater than that of the present one.

BY MAJOR JOHN H. PARKER, 39TH INFANTRY, U.S.V.

[Major Parker, who won great fame with the machine-guns in Cuba, and who wrote a graphic little book entitled "The Gatlings at Santiago," has now been for some time in the Philippine Islands. He has written for this magazine on previous occasions, and we have learned to value very highly his keen powers of observation and his downright frankness and sincerity. Just as we were going to press with our August number, we received from him the following manuscript, mailed on June 7 from his post in the Philippines. It is not too late to give it to our readers now. It may be relied upon as representing things exactly as the writer sees them, without a suspicion of party bias. In a letter accompanying his article, Major Parker remarks: "In an official report of conditions in my jurisdiction for May, 1900, I stated that not a hostile shot had been fired therein since February 12, 1900, and only one breach of the peace had been committed-that by a native, drunk on bino. I advance the doubt whether a territory of equal population could be found in the State of Kentucky, for the same period, with as good a record." Major Parker is now at Tanauan, Batangas Province, Luzon. -THE EDITOR.]

THE

HE war has become for all practical purposes a thing of the past. Travel is as safe as it was in the West from 1870 until the suppression of train-robbing; fields are being cultivated, and trains of pack ponies are carrying the produce of the country to market. People are poor, and nearly every family wears mourning; but the cheerfulness of Oriental fatalism tempers their grief, and the habits of obedience formed during three hundred years of slavery to friar, Church, State, and tax-farmer have well prepared them for new masters. It is here the American must pause to realize his own need of information on the habits and ideas of these new fellow-citizens, before forming a judgment of their characteristics and necessities. The preconceived ideas of Americans about them are nearly all wrong.

1. Although they are fighting in a manner generally contrary to the laws of civilized warfare, yet they are not an uncivilized people.

They are uniformly polite, both to each other and to foreigners; they are intelligent, and generally able to read and write; they are a very religious people; they have always been accustomed to a system of law and legal settlements of disputes; they have produced generals, poets, lawyers, painters, and business men of recognized ability-some of world-wide reputation; and they are eager to learn the ways of advanced civilization.

2. Like ourselves, they are a mongrel race, formed by the survival of the hardest-lived traits in a varied and cosmopolitian (Oriental) ancestry. Far from being a degenerating race, they are a virile, young, and healthy new stock, probably destined, from their geographical position and racial peculiarities, to play an important part in the great drama of the proximate future in the neighboring Orient. Their race type is to their world what that of the Americans is to the Western civilization. Combining many of the best

traits of their varied ancestry, they have, however, contracted the vices that usually flow from contact of feebleness with unscrupulous strength. Long used to haughty dominance, they are sometimes servile; never having been able to resist by force, they have learned to use falsehood and deception as a shield; accustomed to play an inferior part, their learning is too often superficial. But they are hospitable, charitable, musical, and ambitious. Surely, these are good traits on which to build.

3. Numerically, they are a very strong race, and they have the richest garden-spot of the world for their heritage. They are capable of prolonged and sustained effort, are constant under reverses, and as industrious as the necessities of their habitat require. With these premises, the following needs stand out saliently, and are easily within the gift of the American Gov

ernment.

I. The first and great need is peace.

This means, not merely a successful termination of the existing strife, now practically suppressed, but the assured tranquillity that would come from some definite, settled, and published policy. In other words, the intentions of the United States with reference to the future government of the islands should be clearly and decisively expressed by the supreme law-making power. It is not enough for the President to say this or that; these people know too well the vicissitudes of politics, and that in matters of this kind no President is bound by the personal statements of his predecessor, even if that predecessor should have been himself. But a joint resolution of Congress, or an act of Congress, they would un derstand as a definite and final statement of the intentions of our people toward them. They would then, either in joyful anticipation or in quiet resignation to the inevitable, settle down to adjust themselves to new conditions.

It is not possible for them to do this under

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