VOL. XXII.

The

If Vice-President Hobart had not Philadelphia died in office, the National Republican Convention. Convention at Philadelphia last month would have been by far the most unanimous and most uneventful in the history of either great party since the Republicans nominated their first President at Philadelphia in 1856. The entire party had acquiesced in the opinion that the McKinley administration ought to be given another four years' lease of power. If Mr. Hobart had lived, his renomination for the Vice-Presidency would have been as unquestioned as Mr. McKinley's for the first place on the ticket. As for the platform, it was not really necessary to go through the form of adopting one. This we say, not because the Republican party at the present time has no principles or policies, but rather because its recent record has made its principles unmistakable, while its policies for the immediate future are of necessity fixed inexorably by exist. ing conditions and by its committal to the furtherance of programmes already initiated. platform, as adopted, does not attempt to be brilliant. ringing, or incisive. It has no catchphrases. It is rather a review and a statement that somewhat informally, but nevertheless guardedly-expresses the claims and general intentions of a party sobered by the consciousness that it is likely to remain in power and to be held responsible for all that it ventures to promise.

Republican

The

It is

Its real platform as to money, taxaPrinciples tion, public indebtedness, and those in 1900. kindred subjects which relate to the internal business welfare of the country, is best found in the record of its recent actions. now a gold-standard party. It is rather vaguely committed to a consideration of some plan for a more flexible currency; and its indirect allusion to bimetallism by concurrence of other powers is a mere touch of politeness, and nothing else. Upon no new topic had the Republican party any deliverance to make, in its grand quadrennial

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gathering, that involved either discussion or difference of opinion. Not a voice was lifted against the Philippine policy of the administration. one had anything to say in advocacy of the doctrine that the Constitution, of its own force, follows the flag and covers all territorial acquisitions. If any one of the more than two thousand delegates, alternates, and other prominent Re publicans who were in the assembly had by chance a passing word to say about the Porto Rico tariff, there was certainly not even the hint of two opinions on that subject.

Harmony Unprecedented.

Four years ago, at St. Louis, there was the utmost intensity of feeling upon great public questions, as well as upon candidates. This year, at Philadelphia, there was a pleasant air of harmony and confi dence that was disturbed only by the gentlest ripples of excitement due to the question of a choice for the Vice-Presidential nomination. The placidity of the whole affair seemed to par take of the characteristics of Philadelphia itself. The prosperous "City of Brotherly Love," with its population of contented people who own their own homes, its manufacturing industries, its shipbuilding and its foreign and domestic commerce, has always been the most Republican of the large American communities, and seems in many respects to embody very fairly those Re. publican ideals with which Mr. McKinley's name is especially identified. It was a typical gathering of able and well-behaved American citiThe great audiences of some fifteen thousand people in the convention hall were worth going a long distance to see. The occasion, from beginning to end, was altogether a model of its kind. Since, however, men had not come there to contend about anything, neither to strive greatly for any principle that they thought to be in danger, nor yet to press with fierce zeal the claims of any idolized leader as against those of his rivals, it was not to be expected that the

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have never before had so calm a convention, and the next quarter-century is not likely to see another. It was a repetition of the Era of Good Feeling." Mr. McKinley's acceptability at Philadelphia reminded one of the historical accounts of the atmosphere in which James Monroe received his nomination in 1820. Of course, there were in those days no great popular conventions, and the comparison may only apply to the prevalent tone of the political community. What this unprecedented harmony within the Republican party may foreshadow, as to the coming contest between the two parties, we will not at this moment try to discuss.

Addicks, of Delaware, who triumphantly seated his contesting delegation, seemed to be in every way as acceptable and popular as such timehonored and distinguished members of the Republican party as Senator Allison, of Iowa, or Senator, Depew, of New York. Senator Hanna, as chairman of the national committee, opened the

SENATOR HANNA, OF OHIO.

(Chairman of the Republican National Committee.) convention with a brief address which added distinctly to the new reputation he is making as an effective public speaker; and his immense prestige was as tangible a fact as the very bunting that draped the convention hall. Mr. Platt, of New York, who has not infrequently found national conventions to be places of bitter controversy, was treated by every one with marked consideration, as due to recognized authority, power, and senatorial dignity. Everybody complimented all the speeches that were made, and every one carefully avoided saying anything upon the floor or the platform of the convention that could possibly wound the feelings of any Republican who was present. Senator Wolcott, of Colorado, was temporary chairman, and Senator Lodge, of Massachusetts, was permanent chairman. It is true that both these gentlemen, in their elaborate orations-these being the two principal oratorical efforts of the conventionwere severe enough in their diatribes against "anti-imperialists." But as none of them seemed to be present, there was no evidence of any offended susceptibilities. It was reported, in the early stages of the convention, that Mr. Platt and Mr. Hanna were not in entire accord as to

the selection of a Vice-Presidential candidate. But if any differences existed, they were held in a mildness and good-fellowship that would hardly have 'been found in the preliminary canvass for the vicemoderatorship of a Presbyterian General Assembly. The politeness of this convention would have done credit to the National Congress of Mothers." It is not by way of idle or trivial comment that we allude in this way to the harmony that marked the entire proceedings at Philadelphia. It is the one important thing that stands out for mention and comment, as one looks back upon the conWhen one remembers the fierce strife of nearly all preceding conventions, whether Republican or Democratic, for half a century, the good-humor and the readiness to make everything unanimous that marked this Philadelphia gathering are in such notable contrast as to merit bold record in the history of American politics.

vention.

What Is the

SENATOR PLATT, OF NEW YORK.

It was

What was the meaning of all this True appearance of acquiescence, contentInterpretation ?, ment, and good will? Whatever might be said of delegations from individual. States, it is certainly true that the convention as a whole was not brought into its mood of harmony through any extraneous pressure. not boss-ridden; it was not cowed by the so-called "money power" or the great corporate influ ences; nor was it in any sense under the pressure of the lash of President McKinley's administration. The condition to which we refer was due, undoubtedly, in the main to a clear party conscience; in other words, to a genuine convic

SENATOR LODGE, OF MASSACHUSETTS.

tion that the past four years had made history for the Republican party in a most creditable manner. The so-called Silver Republicans had either entirely left the party or else had acquiesced in the achieved policy of the gold standard. The tariff issue had lived itself down, and had for the time being disappeared as a topic of politi cal controversy. Our national credit had been vindicated in those vast refunding operations. which had placed our public debt on a far lower interest basis than that of any other country, either now or at any past time. Business prosperity had come upon the country in such volume and with such wide diffusion as at no previous time in our history. The enormous agricultural prosperity of the West had done away with the sectional feeling toward the East that was so marked and disturbing a factor only a few years ago, while the war with Spain had seemed to wipe away the last vestige of unpleas ant feeling between the North and the South. Certainly there was a great deal in these circumstances, and others that might be recited, to warrant the Republicans in self-congratulation at Philadelphia.

citizens are familiar with them. Not a few of these opponents of a second term believe that their views should be enforced by an amendment of the Constitution. The matter is one, however, that the people themselves are able to meet in their own discretion from time to time. All Presidents, if we mistake not, since the early period of the Constitution, have desired and sought reëlection; President Hayes being, perhaps, the sole exception. It is a fact, however, that since the reëlection of Andrew Jackson in 1832, the American people have not seen fit to give any man two consecutive terms, excepting only Lincoln and Grant. For various reasons. it is not easy, under ordinary circumstances, to reelect a President. The incumbent who runs for a second term too often finds arrayed against him not only the consolidated opposition forces that fly the banner of the rival party, but also the indifference or the veiled hostility of many people in his own party, including hordes of disappointed office-seekers. The men who control national conventions have learned how to estimate all such considerations. It is, therefore, not only a testimony to their belief that the conditions are exceptional, but also a clear evidence of their personal confidence in Mr. McKinley, and their warm regard for him, that they should have agreed with such freedom from doubt or hesitation that it was both safe and wise to make him their candidate a second time.

What Is

Whatever might have been known to Thought of the some individuals, it had certainly not President. been apparent to the public that Mr. McKinley had either exerted himself to secure a renomination, on the one hand, or said or done anything, on the other hand, in pretense that he did not wish it. So far as the public knew anything about it. Mr. McKinley had left the question wholly to the discretion of the party itself. His dignity in the matter had been absolutely unimpaired. It is not only since he came into the presidential office that he has exhibited tact and the ability to get along well with men. Through a long Congressional career, in which at many times he took extreme positions on public questions that were involved in the most raging controversy, Mr. McKinley held the personal good-will and friendship, not only of his Republican colleagues, but also of the Democratic members of the House. And this was not merely the politician's studied art of making friends and avoiding enmities, but rather the result of a gen tleness and kindliness entirely compatible with strong convictions and firmness of purpose. Throughout his whole career, Mr. McKinley has been much more free than most successful pub

lic men from self-consciousness and vanity; and his air and manner have always been of a kind to be characterized not so much by the word unselfishness as by the word self-forgetfulness.

Two Character Sketches.

In short, there are many hundreds of men who know Mr. McKinley well, Democrats and Republicans alike, who testify that he is a courteous and manly Christian gentleman, whom they sincerely esteem for his admirable personal qualities. His work as a statesman and administrator is, of course, a matter about which opinions may differ widely. We publish elsewhere an article which is in some sense a personal character sketch of him, but is more particularly devoted to a review of his public work as President during the more than three years that have elapsed since he entered the White House, on March 4, 1897. It is not an article that purports to be written from the impartial and critical attitude of an outside observer. On the contrary, it comes from the pen of one who is close to the President and very loyally and heartily devoted to him. It is none the less the honest and sincere expression of its writer. Incidentally, it may be said here that the article which we also publish this month regarding Mr. Bryan, and which is from the pen of Dr. Charles B. Spahr, of New York, is also written in the spirit of full sympathy with its subject. And it also is a perfectly honest and sincere estimate set forth by a man of rare mental acumen and entire devotion to the truth as he sees it in all things, who knows Mr. Bryan intimately. We shall have occasion again, doubtless, to refer to Dr. Spahr's article about the gentleman who will in a few days receive the Democratic nomination at Kansas City. Let all men, of whatever party, try hard to believe, this year, that as private individuals and fellow-citizens the gentlemen who will head the opposing tickets are far above the reach of any darts of malice. Let each side vigorously suppress its cheap slanderers and defamers, and let the campaign be free from offensive personalities as regards Mr. McKinley on the one hand and Mr. Bryan on the other.

mous about that matter also. Several excellent candidates were named outside of the convention hall, not one of whom was fomenting any eager propaganda on his own behalf. Many Massachusetts and other New England delegates were prepared to support the Hon. John D. Long, Secretary of the Navy. The Hon. J. P. Dolli

The Movement

Roosevelt.

Soon after the death of Vice-Presifor dent Hobart, last November, it was reported that the Hon. Elihu Root, Secretary of War, would almost undoubtedly be the nominee this year for the Vice-Presidency. His name had been so generally agreed upon that it was admitted on all hands that no other name would be offered to the convention, unless Mr. Root should positively decline to accept a place on the ticket. The wisdom of the selection was heartily concurred in by Republicans in all parts of the country. Mr. Root, however, on reflection, came to the conclusion that he did not wish and could not afford to take so inactive a position. He made this decision firmly; his wishes were respected, and his name was no longer used in that connection. This declaration came, as we remember it, in January. Other names were then freely canvassed among Republicans, and among them that of Governor Roosevelt, of New York. The prospect was so little to Mr. Roosevelt's taste, and so out of the line of his aspirations and preferences, that he decided to go fur

HON. JOHN D. LONG, OF MASSACHUSETTS.

(Secretary of the Navy.)

ver, of Iowa, had been brought forward by the delegation from his own State at the urgent request of a great number of his Republican colleagues in the House of Representatives at Washington. The Minnesota delegation had been instructed to present the name of ex-Senator W. D. Washburn, if it should seem propitious to do So. A good many of the delegates from States still further northwest were favorable to the Hon. Bartlett Tripp, of South Dakota. The lieutenantgovernor of the State of New York, the Hon. Timothy L. Woodruff, had a strong support among his own constituents, and the great delegation of the Empire State at length unanimously agreed at Philadelphia to present him. The names of a good many other favorite sons were on the lips of the members of various State delegations. But there was no name found among all these candidates that seemed to meet the demands of a convention that proposed to do all things on the principle of perfect unanimity. With nothing else for delegates to discuss in the hotel corridors, the topic grew absorbing.

HON. J. P. DOLLIVER, OF IOWA.

ther than Mr. Root had gone, and not only to inform the party leaders in private of his decision, but also to prepare a formal statement for the public and give it to the press. This he did on February 12. It was as follows:

In view of the continued statements in the press that I may be urged as a candidate for Vice-President, and in view of the many letters that reach me advising for and