authority and government in the island of Cuba, and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters, and directing the President of the United States to use the land and naval forces of the United States to carry this resolution into effect,' and,

"Whereas, by an Act of Congress entitled 'An Act to provide for temporarily increasing the military establishment of the United States in time of war and for other purposes,' approved April 22, 1898, the President is authorized, in order to raise a volunteer army, to issue this proclamation calling for volunteers to serve in the army of the United States.

"Now therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, by virtue of the power vested in me by the constitution and the laws, and deeming sufficient occasion to exist, have thought it fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, volunteers to the aggregate number of 125,000, in order to carry into effect the purpose of the said resolution; the same to be apportioned, as far as practicable, among the several states and territories and the District of Columbia, according to population, and to serve for two years, unless sooner discharged. The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the proper authorities through the War Department.

"In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

"Done at the City of Washington this twenty-third day of April, A. D. 1898, and of the independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-second. "By the President: WILLIAM MCKINLEY.

"JOHN SHERMAN, Secretary of State."

Upon the issuance of this proclamation, Chairman Dingley, of the Ways and Means Committee, introduced in the House a War Revenue Bill. At the instance of the President, Congress, on the 25th day of April, made the following formal declaration of war: .

"A bill declaring that war exists between the United States of America and the Kingdom of Spain. Be it

enacted, etc.

"1. That war be, and the same is hereby declared to exist, and that war has existed since the 21st day of April, 1898, including said day, between the United States of America and the Kingdom of Spain.

"2. That the President of the United States be, and he

hereby is, directed and em

powered to use the entire land and naval forces of the United States, and to call into active service of the United States the militia of the several states to such extent as may be necessary to carry this act into effect."

On the same day a bill passed the Senate increasing the regular army. Pursuant to the call for troops, the enlistment of men exceeded all expectations, and tenders were made by the governors of many states largely in excess of their quotas. By the 16th of May, 70,000 volunteers had been mustered in, and by the 18th, 92,580, and the following States had completed their quotas: California, Georgia, Idaho, Indiana, Kansas, Maine, Maryland, Minnesota, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Vermont, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming and District of Columbia.

On May 25th the President issued his proclamation, calling for 75,000 more volunteers, making a total force of regulars and volunteers of 278,500 men. A statement from the Treasury Department of June 2d showed that for April the expenditure for a navy was $12,557,000, and for the army, $6,223,000. For May it was, navy, $9,093,000, and the army, $17,093,000. Congress passed a deficiency bill, appropriating $17,845,000 for war expenditures, and on June 10th, the War Revenue bill and the Secretary of the Treasury asked for subscriptions to the $200,000,000 three per cent bonds.

CHAPTER III.

AFTER THE BATTLE OF MANILA BAY.

FTER the destruction of the Spanish fleet the holding of Manila Bay was a military necessity. The American fleet was 7000 miles from an American port, and among all the hundreds of Asiatic ports which would have been available in time of peace there was not one which was open to an American war-vessel except for temporary refuge from stress of weather, and once only for each ship for such repairs and coal supply as might enable her to reach the nearest home port. It was therefore a military necessity to hold the bay and the naval docks and shops which had been wrested from the Spaniards. To this extent Admiral Dewey's duty was clear. What should be done with the city of Manila was a different, and far more difficult problem. That it was within his power, by bombardment, to compel the capitulation of the city there could be no doubt. Had a Spanish fleet been approaching with the intent to attack him in Manila Bay, it would have doubtless been a military necessity to promptly reduce the city, no matter at what hazard, that in the event of another naval battle, his ships might not be subject to the fire of shore batteries. This condition, however, for the time being, did not exist. The only Spanish fleet in Oriental waters had been destroyed. Dewey's fleet was safe in Manila harbor, with full possession of the stores, docks and shops of Cavite, and it was perfectly certain that so long as he did not attack Manila its batteries would not fire upon the American ships. If, on the other hand, he should take possession of Manila, international law would hold the United States responsible for the protection of non-Spanish persons and property in the city, and the law of humanity would hold them equally responsible for the protection of all other non-combatants. For this duty Admiral Dewey had no force, and his obvious course, therefore, was the one adopted-to leave things as they were, pending instructions and reinforcements, for which he promptly applied, meanwhile, of course, maintaining a close blockade of the port.

THE AMERICAN POLICY UNDETERMINED.

Whether or not the opening thus made should be followed by the conquest and annexation, or other disposal of the Philippines, was a matter to be determined at Washington, and for the present the authorities there had no means of forming an opinion. There was absolutely no public sentiment upon the subject other than the general desire to seize everything belonging to the enemy, which

prevails in all countries in time of war; nor was there any such special information immediately available to the President and Congress as would warrant the formation of any fixed judgment by them. The decision was made, however, and

put into execution as rapidly as possible, to despatch troops to the islands in sufficient numbers to capture and hold the city of Manila, and be prepared to enforce, as to the remainder of the territory, whatever decision might ultimately be reached.

As a matter of fact the most important factor in the ultimate solution of the problem was the character and disposition of the inhabitants of the islands, and the probability of a satisfactory affiliation between them and the Americans. It is, perhaps, even yet too early to form definite opinions on this subject, but the following resumé of some of the events which have occurred upon the islands during the past few years will throw some light upon the subject, and is at any rate essential to a proper understanding of the course of events since the American occupation.

CONDITIONS UNDER SPANISH RULE.

The Philippines, like all other Spanish colonies, were ruled with an iron hand. All authority was concentrated in the Governor-General, residing at Manila. There were provincial and municipal governments, but all subject to review by the central authority. To what extent the Governor-General was directed from Madrid does not appear, but apparently it depended upon his personal influence with the home government. It is stated that the Governor-Generals always went to the islands as poor men, and returned very rich. If this were true, and it is common report, their riches were obtained by peculation, because it is impossible to become rich from the legitimate emoluments of public office. There is no authentic statement known to us of the exact forms of tyranny practiced by the Spaniards upon the Filipinos, but in general it appears to have taken the form. of corrupt administration rather than of oppressive laws. ministration and the courts are said to have been corrupt. the poor, and divided the plunder with officials. There appears to have been cases of enforced colonization, in which natives were compelled to leave their homes and settle in other islands. Those forms of oppression, however, which most directly affected the masses, seem to have been connected with the church. During the course of the three centuries of Spanish control, Christianity has become firmly implanted among the natives. With the exception of some Mohammedans in the southern islands, and the few tribes which are entirely uncivilized, all Filipinos are good Catholics. Those who know them best have least doubt as to the sincerity of the belief of the masses in the tenets of the Catholic faith. The Catholic church, as is well known, is a hierarchy with the parish priest as the unit, locally

Both the fiscal ad-
The rich oppressed

directed by his bishop and archbishop. But within the church there are a large number of religious orders, supposed to be devoted to good words and works, and actually so, so far as we in America know them, but independent of the authority of the priests and bishops, and respon

sible mainly to their own superiors, and through them, like the parish priests and bishops, to the Pope. The testimony is universal that in the Philippines these "friars" were wholly unlike the good men whom we know as such in this country, and, to a very great extent, were ignorant, brutish, licentious and rapacious. Educational affairs, at least in the rural districts, were largely

in their hands, and in many ways they were employed by the Governors in connection with the civil administration, in which capacity they could, and, as alleged, did practice all forms of petty extortion, while leading, as is stated, in many cases, grossly immoral lives. At any rate, the one clear and emphatic demand which stood out above all others from this sincerely Catholic people was that the friars should be banished from the islands, and all religious work committed to the parish priests, as to whom no complaint was made, and who appear to have acquired and deserved the entire respect of the people.

SOCIETY OF THE KATIPUNAN.

As the result of misgovernment there have been, since 1868, several Filipino insurrections, none of them attaining any great measure of success until that of 1896, which was coincident with the rebellion in Cuba. During all these years, however, the spirit of discontent has been spreading, and the art of secret organization acquired. It is said that educated Filipinos residing in European capitals were initiated as Freemasons, and introduced into the islands many of the methods of that organization in the formation of the society of the "Katipunan"-a Tagalo word meaning "brotherhood"-which was devoted to the attainment of the independence of the islands. This brotherhood became very strong on the island of Luzon, and gradually spread over most of the islands of the archipelago, largely aided, it is said, by the enforced colonization schemes of the government, from the fact that the suspected persons who were selected for deportation became new centers of conspiracy in the islands to which they were taken.

T

REBELLION OF 1896.

Warfare between the Spaniards and their subject people has always been savage on both sides, and the preparations for the revolt which broke out on August 20,

1896, are said to have included a conspiracy for the massacre of the entire Spanish, and perhaps foreign population. The night attack, on the 20th of August, in which the Spaniards were to

have been slaughtered, was frustrated through the confession of the wife of a member of the Katipunan to a priest, and this led to the arrest and