citizen may, by his merit, obtain the highest trust recognized by the constitution; which contains within it no cause of discord; none to put at variance one portion of the community with another; a Government which protects every citizen in the full enjoyment of his rights, and is able to protect the nation against injustice from foreign powers. Other considerations of the highest importance admonish us to cherish our Union, and to cling to the Government which supports it. Fortunate as we are, in our political institutions, we have not been less so in other circumstances, on which our prosperity and happiness essentially depend. Situated within the temperate zone, and extending through many degrees of latitude along the Atlantic, the United States enjoy all the varieties of climate, and every production incident to that portion of the globe. Penetrating, internally, to the great lakes, and beyond the sources of the great rivers which communicate through our whole interior, no country was ever happier with respect to its domain. Blessed, too, with a fertile soil, our produce has always been very abundant, leaving, even in years the least favorable, a surplus, for the wants of our fellow-men in other countries. Such is our peculiar felicity, that there is not a part of our Union that is not particularly interested in preserving it. The great agricultural interest of the nation prospers under its protection. Local interests are not less fostered by it. Our fellow-citizens of the North, engaged in navigation, find great encouragement in being made the favored carriers of the vast productions of the other portions of the United States, while the inhabitants of these are amply recompensed, in their turn, by the nursery for seamen and naval force thus formed and reared up for the support of our national rights. Our manufactures find a generous encouragement by the policy which patronizes domestic industry; and the surplus of our produce, a steady and profitable market by local wants, in less favored parts, at home. Such, then, being the highly favored condition of our country, it is the interest of every citizen to maintain it. What are the dangers which menace us? If any exist, they ought to be ascertained and guarded against. [SENATE. themselves become the willing instruments of their own debasement and ruin. Let us, then, look to the great cause, and endeavor to preserve it in full force. Let us, by all wise and constitutional measures, promote intelligence among the people, as the best means of preserving our liberties. Dangers from abroad are not less deserving of attention. Experiencing the fortune of other nations, the United States may be again involved in war, and it may in that event be the object of the adverse party to overset our Government-to break our Union and demolish us as a nation. Our distance from Europe, and the just, moderate, and pacific policy of our Government, may form some security against these dangers, but they ought to be anticipated and guarded against. Many of our citizens are engaged in commerce and navigation, and all of them are, in a certain degree, dependent on their prosperous state. Many are engaged in the fisheries. These interests are exposed to invasion in the wars between other powers, and we should disregard the faithful admonition of experience, if we did not expect it. We must support our rights or lose our character, and with it, perhaps, our liberties. A people who fail to do it, can scarcely be said to hold a place among independent nations. National honor is national property of the highest value. The sentiment in the mind of every citizen, is national strength. It ought, therefore, to be cherished. To secure us against these dangers, our coast and inland frontiers should be fortified; our Army and Navy, regulated upon just principles as to the force of each, be kept in perfect order, and our militia be placed on the best practicable footing. To put our extensive coast in such a state of defence as to secure our cities and interior from invasion, will be attended with expense, but the work, when finished, will be permanent; and it is fair to presume that a single campaign of invasion, by a naval force superior to our own, aided by a few thousand land troops, would expose us to greater expense, without taking into the estimate the loss of property and the distress of our citizens, than would be sufficient for this great work. Our land and naval forces should be moderate, but adequate to the necessary purposes. The former, to garrison and preserve our fortifications, and to meet the first invasions of a foreign foe; and, while constituting the elements of a greater force, to preserve the science as well as all the necessary implements of war, in a state to be brought into activity in the event of war. The latter retained within the limits proper in a state of peace, might aid in maintaining the neutrality of the United States with dignity in the wars of other powers, and in saving the property of their citizens from spoliation. In time of war, with the enlargement of which the great naval resources of the country render it susceptible, and which should be duly fostered in time of peace, it would contribute essentially, both as an auxiliary of defence, and as a powerful engine of annoyance, to diminish the calamities of war, and to bring the war to a speedy and honorable termination. In explaining my sentiments on this subject, it may be asked, What raised us to the present happy state? How did we accomplish the Revolution? How remedy the defects of the first instrument of our Union, by infusing into the National Government sufficient power for national purposes, without impairing the just rights of the States, or affecting those of individuals? How sustain and pass with glory through the late war? The Government has been in the hands of the people. To the people, therefore, and to the faithful and able depositaries of their trust, is the credit due. Had the people of the United States been educated in different principles; had they been less intelligent, less independent, or less virtuous, can it be believed that we should have maintained the same steady and consistent career, or been blessed with the same success? While, then, the constituent body retains its present sound and healthful state, every thing will be safe. They will But it ought always to be held prominently in choose competent and faithful representatives for view, that the safety of these States, and of every every department. It is only when the people be- thing dear to a free people, must depend in an emicome ignorant and corrupt; when they degenerate nent degree on the militia. Invasions may be made into a populace, that they are incapable of exercising too formidable to be resisted by any land and naval the sovereignty. Usurpation is then an easy attain-force which it would comport either with the prinment, and a usurper soon found. The people ciples of our Government or the circumstances of the United States to maintain. In such cases, recourse must be had to the great body of the people, and in a manner to produce the best effect. It is of the highest importance, therefore, that they be so organized and trained as to be prepared for any emergency. The arrangement should be such as to put at the command of the Government the ardent patriotism and youthful vigor of the country. If formed on equal and just principles, it cannot be oppressive. It is the crisis which makes the pressure, and not the laws, which provide a remedy for it. This arrangement should be formed too in time of peace, to be the better prepared for war. With such an organization, of such a people, the United States have nothing to dread from foreign invasion. At its approach, an overwhelming force of gallant men might always be put in motion. Other interests of high importance will claim attention; among which the improvement of our country by roads and canals, proceeding always with a constitutional sanction, holds a distinguished place. By thus facilitating the intercourse between the States, we shall add much to the convenience and comfort of our fellow-citizens; much to the ornament of the country; and what is of greater importance, we shall shorten distances, and by making each part more accessible to and dependent on the other, we shall bind the Union more closely together. Nature has done so much for us by intersecting the country with so many great rivers, bays, and lakes, approaching from distant points so near to each other, that the inducement to complete the work seems to be peculiarly strong. A more interesting spectacle was, perhaps, never seen than is exhibited within the limits of the United States; a territory so vast and advantageously situated, containing objects so grand -so useful-so happily connected in all their parts. Our manufactures will likewise require the systematic and fostering care of the Government. Possessing, as we do, all the raw materials, the fruit of our own soil and industry, we ought not to depend, in the degree we have done, on supplies from other countries. While we are thus dependent, the sudden event of war, unsought and unexpected, cannot fail to plunge us into the most serious difficulties. It is important, too, that the capital which nourishes our manufactures should be domestic, as its influence in that case, instead of exhausting, as it may do in foreign hands, would be felt advantageously on agriculture and every other branch of industry. Equally important is it to provide at home a market for our raw materials, as, by extending the competition, it will enhance the price, and protect the cultivator against the casualties incident to foreign markets. [MARCH, 1817. is the best time for improvement and preparation of every kind; it is in peace that our commerce flourishes most; that taxes are most easily paid, and that the revenue is most productive. The Executive is charged officially, in the Departments under it, with the disbursement of the public money, and is responsible for the faithful application of it to the purposes for which it is raised. The Legislature is the watchful guardian over the public purse. It is its duty to see that the disbursement has been honestly made. To meet the requisite responsibility, every facility should be afforded to the Ex ecutive, to enable it to bring the public agents, intrusted with the public money, strictly and promptly to account. Nothing should be presumed against them; but if, with the requisite facilities, the public money is suffered to lie, long and uselessly, in their hands, they will not be the only defaulters, nor will the demoralizing effect be confined to them. It will evince a relaxation and want of tone in the Administration, which will be felt by the whole community. I shall do all I can to secure economy and fidelity in this important branch of the Administration, and I doubt not that the Legislature will perform its duty with equal zeal. A thorough examination should be regularly made, and I will promote it. It is particularly gratifying to me, to enter on the discharge of these duties at a time when the United States are blessed with peace. It is a state most consistent with their prosperity and happiness. It will be my sincere desire to preserve it, so far as depends on the Executive, on just principles, with all nations claiming nothing unreasonable of any, and rendering to each what is its due. Equally gratifying is it to witness the increased harmony of opinion which pervades our Union. Discord does not belong to our system. Union is recommended, as well by the free and benign principles of our Government, extending its blessings to every individual, as by the other eminent advantages attending it. The American people have encountered together great dangers, and sustained severe trials with success. They constitute one great family, with a common interest. Experience has enlightened us on some questions of essential importance to the country. The progress has been slow, dictated by a just reflection, and a faithful regard to every interest connected with it. To promote this harmony, in accord with the principles of our Republic Government, and in a manner to give them the most complete effect, and to advance in all other respects the best interests of our Union, will be the object of my constant and zealous exertions. Never did a Government commence under auspices With the Indian tribes it is our duty to cultivate so favorable, nor ever was success so complete. If friendly relations, and to act with kindness and we look to the history of other nations, ancient or liberality in all our transactions. Equally proper is modern, we find no example of a growth so rapidit to persevere in our efforts to extend to them the ad-gigantic: of a people so prosperous and happy. In vantages of civilization. contemplating what we have still to perform, the The great amount of our revenue, and the flourish- heart of every citizen must expand with joy, when ing state of the Treasury, are a full proof of the he reflects how near our Government has approached competency of the national resources for any emergen- to perfection; that, in respect to it, we have no esse cy, as they are of the willingness of our fellow-citi-tial improvement to make; that the great object is, zens to bear the burdens which the public necessities to preserve it in the essential principles and features require. The vast amount of vacant lands, the value which characterize it, and that that is to be done by of which daily augments, forms an additional re-preserving the virtue and enlightening the minds of source of great extent and duration. These resources, the people; and, as a security against foreign dangers, besides accomplishing every other necessary purpose, to adopt such arrangements as are indispensable to put it completely in the power of the United States to the support of our independence, our rights, and discharge the national debt at an early period. Peace liberties. If we persevere in the career in which we have advanced so far, and in the path already traced, we cannot fail, under the favor of a gracious Providence, to attain the high destiny which seems to await us. In the Administrations of the illustrious men who have preceded me in this high station, with some of whom I have been connected by the closest ties from early life, examples are presented which will always be found highly instructive and useful to their successors. From these I shall endeavor to derive all the advantages which they may afford. Of my immediate predecessor, under whom so important a portion of this great and successful experiment has been made, I shall be pardoned for expressing my earnest wishes that he may long enjoy, in his retirement, the affections of a grateful country-the best reward of exalted talents, and the most faithful and meritorious services. Relying on the aid to be derived from the other Departments of the Government, I enter on the trust to which I have been called by the suffrage of my fellow-citizens, with my fervent prayers to the Almighty, that He will be graciously pleased to continue to us that protection which He has already so conspicuously displayed in our favor. After which, the oath of office was administered to the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES by the Chief Justice. The Senate having again assembled, On motion, by Mr. KING, [SENATE. On motion, the Senate adjourned to 11 o'clock. to-morrow morning. WEDNESDAY, March 5. Mr. GOLSDBOROUGH reported from the committee that they had waited on the President of the United States, who informed them that he should this day, at an early hour, make a communication to the Senate. THURSDAY, March 6. After the consideration of Executive business, the Vice President having absented himself for the purpose, the Senate proceeded to the choice of a President pro tempore, as the constitution provides; and The honorable JOHN GAILLARD was elected. Ordered, That the Secretary wait on the President of the United States, and acquaint him that the Senate have, in the absence of the Vice President, elected the honorable JOHN GAILLARD President of the Senate pro tempore. After the further consideration of Executive business, Mr. BARBOUR reported from the committee that they had waited on the PresiOrdered, That the Committee of Arrange-dent of the United States, who informed them ments wait on the President of the United States, and notify him that the Senate are ready to receive any communications that he may be pleased to make to them. he had no further communications to make to the Senate. Whereupon, the President adjourned the Senate sine die. and Labon Wheaton. From Connecticut-Epaphroditus Champion, John Davenport, jun., Lyman Law, Jonathan O. Mosely, Lewis B. Sturges, and Benjamin Tallmadge. From Vermont-Asa Lyon, Charles Marsh, and John Noyes. From New York-Asa Adgate, Micah Brooks, Daniel Cady, Henry Crocheron, Thomas P. Grosvenor, John Lovett, Hosea Moffitt, John Savage, John W. Taylor, George Townsend, and Peter H. Wendover. From New Jersey-Ezra Baker, Ephraim Bateman, Benjamin Bennett, Lewis Condict, Henry Southard, and Thomas Ward. From Pennsylvania-William Crawford, William From Delaware-Thomas Clayton. From Virginia-Philip P. Barbour, Burwell Bassett, James Breckinridge, William A. Burwell, Peterson' Goodwyn, Aylet Hawes, John P. Hungerford, Joseph Lewis, jun., William McCoy, Hugh Nelson, Thomas Newton, William H. Roane, Ballard Smith, and Henry St. George Tucker. From North Carolina-Joseph H. Bryan, James W. Clark, John Culpeper, Weldon N. Edwards, Daniel M. Forney, William Gaston, Israel Pickens, Lewis Williams, and Bartlett Yancey. From South Carolina-John C. Calhoun, John J. Chappell, Benjamin Huger, William Lowndes, John From Georgia-John Forsyth, Thomas Telfair, and From Kentucky-Joseph Desha, Benjamin Hardin, Richard M. Johnson, Samuel McKee, Alney McLean, Stephen Ormsby, Solomon P. Sharpe, and Micah Taul. From Tennessee-William G. Blount, Newton Cannon, Bennet H. Henderson, Samuel Powell, James B. Reynolds, and Isaac Thomas. From Ohio John Alexander, James Caldwell, and David Clendennin. From Louisiana-Thomas B. Robertson. The following new members also appeared, to wit: from Massachusetts, BENJAMIN ADAMS, in the room of Elijah Brigham, deceased, and JAMES CARR; from New York, ARCHIBALD S. CLARKE, in the room of Peter B. Porter, resigned; from Pennsylvania, WILLIAM FINDLAY; from Maryland, PETER LITTLE, in the room of William Pinkney, resigned, and GEORGE PETER, in the room of Alexander C. Hanson, resigned; from North Carolina, SAMUEL DICKENS, in the room of Richard Stanford, deceased, and CHARLES HOOKS, in the room of William R. King, resigned; from Kentucky, THOMAS FLETCHER, in the room of James Clark, resigned; from Ohio, WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, in the room of John McLean, resigned; and from Indians WILLIAM HENDRICKS: who severally produced their credentials, and took their seats; the oath to support the Constitution of the United States being first administered to them by the SPEAKER WILLIAM LATTIMORE, the Delegate from the Mississippi Territory, appeared, and took his On motion of Mr. WRIGHT, a committee was appointed on the part of this House, to join such committee as may be appointed on the part of the Senate, to wait on the President of the United States, and inform him that a quorum of the two Houses is assembled, and ready to receive any communication that he may be pleased to make to them; and Mr. WRIGHT and Mr. TALLMADGE were appointed of the said committee. A message from the Senate informed the House that a quorum of the Senate is assembled, and that they are ready to proceed to business. The Senate concur in the resolution for the appointment of a joint committee, to wait on the President of the United States, and inform him that a quorum of the two Houses is assembled, and ready to receive any communications he may be pleased to make to them, and have appointed a committee on their part. TUESDAY, December 3. Several other members, to wit: from Massachusetts, BENJAMIN BROWN and TIMOTHY PICKERING; from Rhode Island, JAMES B. MASON; from Connecticut, TIMOTHY PITKIN; from Vermont, CHAUNCEY LANGDON; from New York, OLIVER C. COMSTOCK, JAMES W. WILKIN, JABEZ D. HAMMOND, JAMES BIRDSALL, and ABRAHAM H. SCHENCK; from Pennsylvania, WILLIAM WILSON, WILLIAM MACLAY, and THOMAS SMITH; from Maryland, GEORGE BAER; from Virginia, MAGNUS TATE, JAMES PLEASANTS, jun., and JOHN KERE; and from North Carolina, WILLIAM C. LOVE, appeared, and took their seats. Two new members also appeared, to wit: from New York, DANIEL AVERY, in the room of Enos T. Throop, resigned; and from Pennsylvania, WILLIAM P. MACLAY, in the room of Thomas Burnside, resigned, who severally produced their credentials, were qualified, and took their seats. Repeal of the Compensation Act. The following resolution was submitted by Mr. HUGH NELSON: Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed to report a bill to repeal the act, entitled "An act to change the mode of compensation to the Members of the Senate and House of Representatives and the Delegates from Territories," passed March 19, 1816. The question was then taken, "Will the House now consider this resolution?" and determined in the negative. WEDNESDAY, December 4. Two other members, to wit: from New York, SAMUEL R. BETTS; and from Pennsylvania, HUGH GLASGOW; appeared, and took their seats. A new member also appeared, to wit, from Virginia, THOMAS M. NELSON, in the place of Thomas Gholson, deceased; who produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat. VOL. V.-43 Compensation Law. [H. OF R. Mr. JOHNSON, of Kentucky, said that he had, on all political occasions, consulted his best judgment, and he had always voted with a view to promote the interest, and support the honor and rights of those who had, by their suffrages, given him a place upon the floor of Congress. That he had expressed the sentiments of his constituents, and his conduct had generally been approbated and sanctioned by them; that this coincidence of political views, and confidence in his wishes for their happiness and prosperity, had left him at liberty to pursue his own course of conduct. That, notwithstanding this state of things, he had always believed in the right of instruction; and, at any time during his political course, he should have considered himself honored and bound by the will of his constituents; the nature of the trust implied a duty, on the part of the Representative, that he will consult the happiness, and carry into effect, as far as he knows it, the will of those who elect him. That, notwithstanding the discontent that had manifested itself in many parts of the United States, and in his own district, he was left to take that course which honor and duty dictated; and that, so far as he could infer the will of his constituents, it should have a controlling influence upon his mind; because the want of written instruction did not weaken the binding efficacy of the great fundamental principle to which he alluded. The want of a written impression may, by possibility, mislead the best among us; of course, that would give a high claim to indulgence. On this subject, he had no doubt he should meet the sanction and the approbation of those honorable and patriotic men, who, notwithstanding all his faults, had continued their confidence in him. Many considerations had entered into his mind in making a motion for a committee to inquire into the expediency of repealing the compensation law. One object was to gratify that portion of his constituents who were opposed to the measure. He said a portion of his constituents, because he well knew that many, very many, of his political friends, were in favor of the measure, both as to mode and amount; some were others disliked the mode, but do not object to desirous that an experiment might be made, the amount and many other minor differences; but he well knew that they would all either unite or acquiesce in a repeal of the statute; that the public mind might be tranquillized; that the great mass of inflammable matter which was afloat might be decomposed and rendered harmless; that hobby riders may be dismounted, and popularity-traps put flat on the surface; for he never intended, if he could make any other shift, to ride the one, or set the other. He claimed the indulgence of the House, to explain to them what he intended by his motion. The per diem allowance originated from the necessity and convenience of members, who |