erality in the use of documents, and at the same time more care in preserving them, may well be exercised by governments. So impartial an editor as De Martens complains in the preface to his Nouveau Recueil de Traités that he has been unable to procure many important documents which he needed, because they had not been published or because govern. ments were unwilling to communicate them to him. In some countries, notably in England, a large part of the most valuable material for diplomatic history is carried off by the foreign secretaries as they leave office. This material consists of the confidential letters from the ministers who are representing the country abroad. These letters are regarded in Great Britain as the private property of the foreign secretary. They contain often more valuable information than the formal dispatches. Being carried away, they are sometimes lost. Sometimes they appear in the publication of family papers of the secretaries, divorced from the documents which should explain or modify them. It may be a question whether in that country and in ours some provision should not be made for preserving in the archives even these personal letters to the secretaries, or such parts of them as concern public business, so that the Government may have all the facts within reach and may permit them to be used by the historian when the proper time comes for a full diplomatic history. Several nations have published or have permitted the pub. lication of their treaties. In addition to Barbeyrac's Collection of Ancient Treaties, and the vast Corps Diplomatique Universel of Dumont, we have the Acta Foedera Publica of Rymer, the Regesta Diplomatica of Georgisch, the Codex Italiæ Diplomaticus of Lunig, the collections of Abreu for Spain, the Codex Diplomaticus of Leibnitz, the great Recueils of Modern Treaties by Dr. Martens and his successors, the British Treaties of Hertslet, the Collection of the United States, the South American Treaties, edited by Calvo, and other collections. We have also Koch and Schoell's History of Treaties. But of diplomatic histories, which give us full accounts of the origin and details and results of negotiations, and make known to us the personality and the influence and merits of the men who conducted them, and enable us to understand the living forces which accomplished the results attained, of these we have but few. The French, with the renowned works of Flassan and Garden and Lefebvre, have outstripped all other nations. Flassan, in speaking of such works as the Histoire des Traités by St. Preux, Mably's Du Public de l'Europe, and Koch's Abregé des Traités, well says: "In speaking of events they have said nothing of persons, although these lend great interest to a diplomatic work. It is not sufficient to give the principal articles of a treaty of peace and to add a sketch of the events which have preceded it. One should as far as possible make us acquainted with the negotiator, indicate the forces brought into play on either side, the principal debates in the conferences, the obstacles overcome, and sum up in impartial conclusions the results of the treaty or of the action of the cabinet which they are discussing." Mr. Trescot in his two little volumes on the earlier chapters in our diplomatic history; Mr. Lyman in his more extensive work; Mr. Schuyler in his monograph on certain chapters in our history; the former president of the American Historical Association, Mr. John Jay, in his chapter in Winsor's History on the Negotiation of the Treaty of Independence, and Mr. Henry Adams in his Administrations of Jefferson and Madison, have well supplemented Hildreth and Bancroft, and Mr. Rhodes in his recent work has given long-neglected recognition to the services of Secretary Marcy. But a full and connected history of American diplomacy, in the light of present knowledge, is still a desideratum. It has seemed to me eminently appropriate to discuss this theme now in this age of arbitration, and here where the world is holding its great industrial congress of peace. It is meet that we should emphasize the importance of pacific negotiations as the desirable method of settling international dif ficulties by giving the deserved place to the histories of diplomatic labors and by asking that historians should place on the heads of great diplomatists the laurels which they merit, and of which they have too long been robbed, and should give them as honorable a position upon their pages as they assign to great admirals and great captains. Let history do what she can to perpetuate the fraternal relations of nations by glorifying the council chamber and the arbitrator at least as much as the field of battle and the warrior. OPENING OF THE HISTORICAL CONGRESS. It is with peculiar pleasure that we assemble here to-day to take part in this historical congress. Some of us make no higher claim than to be regarded as earnest and sincere students of history. We are fortunate in being honored with the presence of others, whose contributions to historical research and literature are honored throughout the world. We Americans are very grateful for the opportunity of meeting and hearing some distinguished visitors from other lands whose writings we have long held in the highest esteem. We should have been glad to see more of them. If there is any study which makes men catholic and cosmopolitan, it is the study of history. If there is any pursuit which lifts us above the narrow prejudices and conceits of provincialism and helps us to understand man in his essential characteristics, it is that of the historical scholar whose vision sweeps over the whole career of the race and whose inductions are made from facts as broad as the life of the race. In this large and hospitable spirit, worthy of this great concourse of nations, we assemble here to-day and take up our work. |