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I have to answer for robbing no man of his goods; yet more tolerable even this, than for robbing one of himself and all that was his. When a year or two ago those professedly holy men of the South met in the semblance of prayer and devotion, and in the name of Him who said, "As ye would all men should do unto you, do ye even so unto them,” appealed to the Christian world to aid them in doing to a whole race of men as they would have no man do unto themselves, to my thinking they contemned and insulted God and His church far more than did Satan when he tempted the Saviour with the kingdoms of the earth. The devil's attempt was no more false, and far less hypocritical.


(September 17, 1859, Speech at Cincinnati, O.-Debates, p. 267.)

Labor is the great source from which nearly all, if not all, human comforts and necessities are drawn. There is a difference in opinion about the elements of labor in society. Some men assume that there is a necessary connection between capital and labor, and that connection draws within it the whole of the labor of the community. They assume that nobody works unless capital excites them to work. They begin next to consider what is the best way. They say there are but two ways-one is to hire men and to allure them to labor by their

consent; the other is to buy the men and drive them to it, and that is slavery. Having assumed that, they proceed to discuss the question of whether the laborers themselves are better off in the condition of slaves or of hired laborers, and they usually decide that they are better off in the condition of slaves. In the first place, I say that the whole thing is a mistake. That there is a certain relation between capital and labor I admit. That it does exist, and rightfully exists, I think is true. That men who are industrious and sober and honest in the pursuit of their own interests should after awhile accumulate capital, and after that should be allowed to enjoy it in peace, and also, if they should choose, when they have accumulated it, to use it to save themselves from actual labor, and hire other people to labor for them, is right. In doing so they do not wrong the men they employ, for they find men who have not their own land to work upon, or shops to work in, and who are benefited by working for others-hired laborers, receiving their capital for it. Thus a few men who own capital hire a few others, and these establish the relation of capital and labor rightfully—a relation of which I make no complaint. But I insist that that relation, after all, does not embrace more than oneeighth of the labor of the country.


(January, 1837, Speech, Legislature of Illinois-Tarbell, 2v, p. 281.)

These capitalists generally act harmoniously and in concert, to fleece the people, and now, that they have got into a quarrel with themselves, we are called upon to appropriate the people's money to settle the quarrel.


(1856-History of Abraham Lincoln-Arnold, p. 97.)

We will hereafter speak for freedom and against slavery, as long as the Constitution guarantees free speech; until everywhere on this wide land the sun shall shine, and the rain shall fall, and the wind shall blow upon no man who goes forth to unrequited toil.



(September 30, 1859, Speech at Milwaukee, Wis.-Complete Works, Vol. I, p. 576.)

To correct the evils, great and small, which spring from want of sympathy and from positive enmity among strangers, as nations or as individuals, is one of the highest functions of civilization.


(February 15, 1848, Letter to W. H. Herndon-Complete Works, Vol. I, p. 111.)

Allow the President to invade a neighboring nation whenever he shall deem it necessary to repel an invasion, and you allow him to do so whenever he may choose to say he deems it necessary for such purpose, and you allow him to make war at pleasure. Study to see if you can fix a limit to his power in this respect, after having given him so much as you propose. If to-day he should choose to say he thinks it necessary to invade Canada to prevent the British from invading us, how could you stop him? You may say to him, "I see no probability of the British invading us," but he will say to you, "Be silent; I see it if you don't."



(November 15, 1861, Conversation with Benson J. Lossing concerning the capture of Mason and Slidell, Confederate commissioners, upon the British vessel, Trent-Tarbell, Vol. II, p. 72.)

We must stick to American principles concerning the right of neutrals. We fought Great Britain. for insisting by theory and practice on the right to do exactly what Captain Wilkes has done. If Great Britain shall now protest against the act and demand their release, we must give them up, apologize for the act as a violation of our doctrine, and thus forever bind her over to keep the peace in relation to neutrals, and so acknowledge that she has been wrong for sixty years.


(September 18, 1858, Speech at Charlestown, Ill.-Debates, p. 158.) Whenever there was an attempt to procure a vote of mine which would indorse the origin and justice of the war (Mexican), I refused to give such indorsement and voted against it; but I never voted against the supplies for the army.


(February 1, 1848, Letter to W. H. Herndon referring to Lincoln's vote in Congress-Herndon, p. 281.)

That vote affirms that the (Mexican) war was unnecessarily and unconstitutionally commenced by the President, and I will stake my life, if you had

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