to the Federal Government might be inferred. And this conflict of opinion continued during Washington's second term, and greatly influenced the cementing of parties; and it has ever since been a cardinal doctrine separating the political parties.

Jefferson and Hamilton, both members of Washington's Cabinet, had not agreed upon the form of government. Now that the Constitution had been adopted and was in full operation, they differed widely upon the proper construction of that instrument. Jefferson was for a strict construction, and for limiting the power of the Federal Government to that plainly conferred by the organic law. Hamilton wanted the general government to assume and exercise all powers which the most liberal construction would sanction. Hamilton advocated and Jefferson opposed, on the constitutional ground that it was the exercise of unwarranted powers, the incorporation of the Philadelphia Bank. Hamilton favored and Jefferson opposed any legislation which might tend to create or encourage monopolies. These two able and distinguished men were the founders of the two schools of thought which, to a great extent, divided the people in their day, and for many years thereafter, and in some degree even to the present.

Hamilton favored, Jefferson opposed, the assumption of the States' debts. And there were other subjects of disagreement.

This conflict between two great minds brought discord into the President's official family. Both had the respect and confidence of Washington, and by both he was loved and venerated. Jefferson expressed his desire to retire from the Cabinet; but at Washington's earnest solicitation he continued at his post until some time after the second Presidential election. On January 1, 1794, he resigned, with Washington's consent, reluctantly given, and retired to his country home in Virginia. He was out

of, but not by any means indifferent to, the sweeping current of political events. From his retiracy he looked anxiously at the threatening rocks and dangerous eddies, and sent to his friends grave admonition and wise counsel as to how Scylla and Charybdis could both be avoided. He was busily engaged in building a ship which should safely navigate the troubled waters, and carry its precious cargo of free Republican institutions through the gathering storms into a safe, broad, and prosperous future.

Associated with Jefferson in moulding the Democratic party were Madison, Monroe, Samuel Adams, Albert Gallatin, George Clinton, Franklin.

Hamilton was aided on the Federalist side by Marshall, Jay, John Adams, Pinckney.

Here upon either side was a rare array of intellectual giants, and all unquestionably patriotic and honest.

Had Washington consented to serve for a third term, no party differences would have been able, or would have attempted, to defeat him. But he peremptorily refused to listen to the entreaties of both Jefferson and Hamil. ton. Thus the field was open to party contention.

The system of nominating conventions had not yet been devised. Even nominating caucuses were not in vogue. Hence there was no concentration of the votes of either party.

In 1796, at the third election, the necessity for the better organization of the opposing forces, in order to secure success, became apparent. Adams, Federalist, received 71. Pinckney, Federalist, 59. Jefferson, Dem. ocrat-Republican, 68. Burr, Democrat-Republican, 30. Samuel Adams, Democrat-Republican, 15. Ellsworth, Anti-Federalist, 11. George Clinton, Republican, 7. Jay, Federalist, 5, and scattering, 10. The parties were pretty closely matched, but had the votes of the Democrat-Republicans been massed, Jefferson would have been

elected. In 1797-98 party spirit became so bitter that antagonists would not speak to each other.'

In the fifth Congress, upon the inauguration of Adams, the Senate was composed of 21 Federalists, 11 DemocratRepublicans; the House had 51 Federalists and 54 Democrat-Republicans.

In the next Congress-the sixth-the Senate had 19 Federalists, 13 Democrat-Republicans; the House 57 Federalists and 48 Democrat-Republicans.

Adams was unfortunate in being the successor of Washington. The contrast in their temperaments and mental make-up was greatly to the disparagement of Adams. Washington was calm, deliberate, unprejudiced, considerate, and conciliatory. Adams was rash, headlong, hotheaded, and passionate; and, imbued with admiration for the British form of government, he sought, as far as possible, to engraft its practices upon our Repub. lican system.

Electoral votes for Adams were: North Carolina, 1; Virginia, 1; Maryland, 7; Delaware, 3; Pennsylvania, 1; New Jersey, 7: New York, 12; Connecticut, 9; Rhode Island, 4; Massachusetts, 16; Vermont, 4; New Hampshire, 6—total, 71.

For Jefferson: Tennessee, 3; Kentucky, 4; Georgia, 4; South Carolina, 8; North Carolina, 11; Virginia, 20; Maryland, 4; Pennsylvania, 14-total, 68.

For Pinckney South Carolina, 8; North Carolina, 1; Virginia, 1; Maryland, 4; Delaware, 3; Pennsylvania, 2; New Jersey, 7; New York, 12; Connecticut, 4; Massachusetts, 13; Vermont, 4-total, 59.

For Aaron Burr: Tennessee, 3; Kentucky, 4; North Carolina, 6; Virginia, 1; Maryland, 3; Pennsylvania, 13-total, 30.

For Samuel Adams: Virginia, 15-total, 15.

For Ellsworth: Rhode Island, 4; Massachusetts, I; New Hampshire, 6 -total, II.

For Geo, Clinton: Georgia, 4; Virginia, 3-total, 7.

For S. Johnston of North Carolina: Massachusetts, 2—total, 2.
For Jas. Iredell of North Carolina: North Carolina, 3-total, 3.
For Geo. Washington: North Carolina, I; Virginia, 1-total, 2.

For C. C. Pinckney: North Carolina, 1-total, 1.
For John Henry of Maryland: Maryland, 2-total, 2.

Jay's treaty continued to rankle in the breast of France. Our merchant ships were seized and confiscated. Our minister, Pinckney, was ordered to leave the country; three new envoys were sent, who were snubbed and sent home. These indignities caused France to lose much sympathy, and correspondingly strengthened the Federalists. Others, feeling that we had equal grievances against England, retained their preference for France. This contest caused a stranger to say that there seemed to be in America many English, many French, but very few Americans.

War with France was felt to be imminent. Intercourse was suspended; several warlike measures were adopted. Adams claimed the right to declare war; and although he refrained from the fatal act, he granted a license to arm. Those Democrats who were drifting into Federalism hesitated upon seeing how their old opponents, clated by their success, were trying to centralize power in the general government. Their hesitancy was soon turned to an abrupt retreat and a speedy re-enlist ment under the banner of Democracy, when, in 1798, the Alien and Sedition laws were passed. The passage of these acts sounded the death-knell of Federalism.

Under the Alien law the President was authorized upon his own volition to expel from the country any alien whom he might suspect as being dangerous to the peace and liberty of the country, and any who refused to obey the President's order could be fined and imprisoned.

The Sedition law quickly followed, which imposed fine and imprisonment upon any who should combine together to oppose any measure of government; and upon any who should utter any false, scandalous, or malicious writing against the Government, Congress, or the President.

These two tremendous strides towards arbitrary and absolute power caused such a revulsion of feeling that

the Federalists were defeated by their own extreme rad. icalism. Freedom of speech and of the press were sought to be nullified, notwithstanding their security was guar anteed by the Constitution. The modern monarchical doctrine of lese-majesty was far surpassed; for those statutes struck down the right of trial by jury, the right of the accused to be confronted with the witnesses against him, and the right to present witnesses in his own behalf.

The Federalists were strengthened in their control of Congress (see the table of the sixth Congress) by elec tions which were held during the war panic; for then, as always, appeal to patriotism suppressed party spirit. The troubles with France were ended by a treaty of peace, yet the Federalists continued to enforce the odious Alien and Sedition laws. Protests came thick and fast. At this time the famous Kentucky and Virginia resolutions were passed by the respective legislatures of those States. These resolutions were prepared by Jefferson and Madison, and, amongst other things, contained a bold and defiant denunciation of the two laws as unconstitutional and a gross usurpation of power.

At the next succeeding election, in 1800, there was no straggling amongst the forces upon either side. They were well organized, and moved in compact masses.'

In this campaign, Jefferson, in a letter to Gideon

Electoral votes for Jefferson: New York, 12; Pennsylvania, 8; Maryland, 5; Virginia, 21; Kentucky, 4; North Carolina, 8; Tennessee, 3; South Carolina, 8; Georgia, 4-total, 73.

Aaron Burr received precisely the same number of votes from each of the above-named States. There being a tie between Jefferson and Burr, the election was thrown into the House of Representatives, and resulted as stated in the text.

The other electoral votes cast at this election were for John Adams: New Hampshire, 6; Massachusetts, 16; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 9; Vermont, 4; New Jersey, 7; Pennsylvania, 7; Delaware, 3; Maryland, 5; North Carolina, 4-total, 65.

The same votes were cast for C. C. Pinckney, except that one of the Rhode Island votes was cast for John Jay.