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he was induced to support the judge. Judge McComas had served with marked ability for several terms in Congress, and had increased his reputation on the bench.

There had been an unwritten law in Maryland that both Senators should not be taken from the same section of the State. This law was violated in the election of Wellington; and a further violation was now contemplated. This was one of the grounds of opposition to Lowndes, and it was not allayed by substituting McComas, who, although a Federal Judge in Washington, D. C., retained a nominal residence in Hagerstown, in the county adjoining Senator Wellington's residence. The representatives from the Eastern Shore insisted on recognition; and those from Baltimore, claiming a predominance in population and interest for their constitu. ents, demanded consideration.

A caucus held to nominate officers for the organization of the legislature ignored these claims, and eleven of the Baltimore representatives refused to be bound by the action of the caucus. The legislature on joint ballot stood: Republicans 67, Democrats 50. In the House of Representatives there were 49 Republicans; of these it from Baltimore refused to enter the party caucus.

These 11, aided by 41 Democrats, organized the House by electing a Baltimore Republican Speaker. After several days of balloting the Baltimore line was broken, and Mr. McComas was elected. There were no specially important elections in any

of the other States. Each party retained control of those States which it had carried in 1896, except Kentucky and New York. The Republican majority was greatly reduced in such Republican strongholds as lowa and Penn. sylvania. But this could be accounted for by the largely diminished vote. There is always a reaction after the great strain of a Presidential election. This, with dis. appointments and heart-burnings, causes indifference, if

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not hostility, and the number of the stay-at-homes is swelled.

The acgregate results of the elections immediately fol. lowing that of November, 1896, may be summed up as follows: the Democrats reclaimed Kentucky and New York; the other States remained as classified after the Presidential election. In local elections the odds were with the Democrats. They had elected the Mayors of Boston, Chicago, and Detroit. These elections have no special significante, being influenced as they usually are by local consid...tions, by the cominon disposition to hold the authorities responsible for any defects in the municipal systull, its well as for maladministration. But victories of less moment than these referred to give en. couravement and hope, and certainly have an effect upon the misses who accept results without considering causes.

There was one feature of these municipal elections especially not I k. Alinost all of the daily papers in New York, Chicago, and Detroit vigorously opposed the successful candidate. This gives food for thought. the power of the press waning? If so, what is the cause ? And what the remedy? If caused by an abatement of

shery and ability, it is a hopeful sign that the people ro, uuiate their foriner leaders and assert their own independence in thought and action. On the other hand, if the masses li ve become so self-willed and stubborn as to no longer lized and follow the advice of those whose mission is to direct public sentiment, and who in fulfilling it are fearless and uncorrupted, then the outlook is far less hopeful.

When Congress met in regular session, on the first Monday of December, 1897, the President sent in his annual message.

It was an elaborate and well-written document, covering all topics of domestic and international interest. The insurrection in Cuba and the rela. tions of this country to Spain were treated exhaustively.


While deprecating and denouncing the barbarity of Weyler's rule in Cuba, the consequent demoralization of trade, and the terrible sufferings of the islanders, the President advised against any action by Congress looking to the recognition of Cuba's independence, or even to the rights of belligerency. At the same time, he plainly indi. cated his purpose to intervene in case the insurrection should not soon be suppressed or the Weyler policy be abandoned. Meanwhile, Canovas, the Spanish Premier, had been assassinated, and a new and much more liberal government had been established. Sagasta becaine Preinier, and General Blanco superseded Weyler. The new government announced its purpose to discontinue the cruel policy of Weyler and to grant autonomy to Cuba. The proclamation of decrees to this effect wrought a marked change in public sentiment, both in this country and in Cuba. But there still existed here a strong feel. ing in favor of intervention, and in Cuba a determined opposition to the proffered autonomy. The basis of this feeling in both countries was want of confidence in the sincerity of Spain's promises.

On the 15th of February, 1898, the U. S. battleship Maine, lying in the harbor of Havana, was blown up and sunk, carrying to their death 264 seamen and 2 officers of the ship. The news sent a thrill of horror throughout the country. It was generally believed that this great outrage was the work of Spaniards, but that responsibil. ity could not be fastened on the Spanish Government. A naval Court of Inquiry was appointed to ascertain the cause of the great disaster. The calm and dignified atti. tude of the President caused the general public to emulate his self-restraint and suppress the painful excitement everywhere manifest. But it was feared that war would ensue; and a bill was introduced appropriating $50,000,000, to be expended at the discretion of the President in providing for the contingency. The unanimity of



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sentiment was amazing; and the bill was passed speedily without a single negative vote being recorded. Republi. cans, Democrats, Populists, Free-Silver men, all, in both Houses, voted for this unprecedented proposition. Sev. . eral Senators and representatives visited Cuba, and return. ing gave graphic accounts of the frightful condition of the Cubans, and the enormous number already dead by starvation and neglect. Public sympathy and indignation were intensely aroused, and armed intervention was strenuously advocated.

Congress had voted $50,000 to relieve the destitute and suffering A.ericans in Cuba, and the generous and sympathetic knople were sending ship-loads of supplies. All this, it was reported, gave but partial relief.

The President announced that negotiations with Spain were pending which would lead to a satisfactory issue. Under this assurance his party friends hesitated to break with him. The Democrats tried to force the issue by resolutions to retinize the independence of Cuba, and to intervenk to that end. It was said a few pages back

. that there is patriotism in politics. It is equally true that there is politics in patriotism. The report of the Nuval Court of Inquiry was sent in on March 25th, and it seemed impossible to restrain Congressional action, many wishing to declare war without further delay. Both panties struggled for position. The Republicans would not permit the Democrats to gain any of the prestige of

nitiating action, and they held their forces well in hand, waiting for a message from the President reporting the progress of negotiations and outlining his proposed policy. In this way action was delayed from day to day. But the delay could not prevent the ebullition of passion and fiery eloquence at each session. After several delays, which provoked criticism and charges that the President was vacillating, the message was sent to Congress on

April 7th. The message was a strong recital of the mis. government, cruelty, brutality, broken faith, and barbar. ity of Spain in Cuba. On April 13th, the Committees on Foreign Affairs in the Senate and House presented their reports — majority and minority. All of the resolutions accompanying the reports were in favor of immediate in. tervention by the United States to stop the war in Cuba; and to secure to the people of Cuba a stable and independ. ent government of their own creation; and authorizing (in the Senate resolution directing) the President to use the land and naval forces to accomplish the purpose. The minority resolution in the House recognized the present Republic of Cuba, and authorized and directed armed intervention to aid in maintaining that Republic. This was voted down by a vote of 191 to 147. There. upon the resolution of the majority for armed intervention to secure peace and order in Cuba, and establishing a free and independent government by the people of the island, was passed by 324 to 19. Both the majority and minor. ity resolutions in the Senate were more radical. The majority recognized the independence of the people (not the Republic) of Cuba, and demanded that Spain at once relinquish authority and government in Cuba, and with. draw her land and naval forces therefrom; and directed the President to use force to carry the resolutions into effect. The minority recommended the iminediate recog. nition of the Republic of Cuba. In the House debate was limited to forty minutes. But in the Senate " the previous question," or clôture, does not prevail, and de. bate continued for two days. Finally, by a decisive vote, the House resolutions were superseded by others recog. nizing the independence of the Republic of Cuba; de. manding that Spain withdraw her land and naval forces, and relinquish jurisdiction over Cuba; and directing the President to use the army and navy to enforce this de. mand. A resolution was added, disavowing any purpose

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