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upon the part of this government to exercise jurisdiction over, or control of, the people of Cuba. The greatest excitement and impatience was manifested in both cham. bers, in their crowded galleries, and throughout the country. There was an earnest desire to reach an agree. ment. But the House was resolutely opposed to the recog. nition of the existing Cuban government, and the Senate just as resolutely favored such recognition. The Dem. ocrats of both Houses were in favor of recognition. The Republicans in the Senate were about evenly divided on this point, while in the House they stood compactly against it, with the exception of fourteen who voted with the Democrats. The House agreed to the Senate amendments except those which recognized the Republic of Cuba. Repeated conferences were held, and the session was prolonged far into the night. Finally, at three o'clock in the morning, an agreement was reached. In addition to the specific recognition of the Republic, the Senate resolutions declared that “ the people of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and independent." The House had fought hard to have the two words “are and" stricken out; but they yielded at the last, and these words were allowed to reinain; so that while the Cuban government was not recognized, the people of Cuba were declared to be free and independent. The vote on agree. ing to the conference report shows how tenaciously the Senate clung to the wish to recognize the Cuban Republic. Forty-two voted yea and thirty-five voted nay. The negative votes do not indicate any opposition to the general purport of the resolutions, for amongst them were many of the most pronounced and extreme advo. cates of the Cuban cause. In the House the vote was practically unanimous in agreeing to the report of the conference committee, viz. : 310 to 6. The result showed that while partisans would play for position and prestige, they would unite in whatever was deemed necessary to

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manifest the nation's humanity and honor. The subse. quent events pertain rather to a history of the times than to a history of political parties, except in so far as the results of the war developed new issues, upon which par. ties must pronounce judgment. War was declared on April 20th. Commodore Dewey was at the time in com. mand of the American feet at Hong-Kong. Neutrality having been proclaimed by China, Dewey was obliged to weigh anchor. He stopped in Mirs Bay, then hastened on to Manila, the capital city of the Philippine Islands, Early on the morning of May ist he sailed into the harbor of that city, gallantly and furiously attacked the Spanish forts and war vessels, and in a few hours totally destroyed the Spanish fleet of ten war-ships, captured the naval stations and forts at Cavite, and this without losing a single man. A widespread and formidable insurrection against Spanish rule was in full operation. The insur: gents almost surrounded Manila on the land side, and Dewey's fleet beleaguered the city on the bay. The situation remained unchanged until a large land force, under General Merritt, had been assembled; which force, in connection with the men-of-war, attacked Manila and compelled its surrender on August 13, 1898. In the meantime, on August 12th, a protocol of peace was signed at Washington. This was brought about by the decisive victories of our army and navy at Santi. ago, in the south of Cuba, and on the island of Porto Rico.

The protocol provided that: (1) Spain should relinquish all sovereignty over Cuba; (2) Spain should cede to the United States the island of Porto Rico and other West Indian islands under Spanish sovereignty, and also an island in the Ladrones, to be selected by the United States; (3) the United States to " occupy and hold the city, bay, and harbor of Manila, pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace, which shall determine the control,


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disposition, and government of the Philippines." Com. missioners were appointed by the two powers to conclude a formal treaty of peace. They met in Paris, and after several weeks of consultation and discussion, agreed to and signed a treaty which embodied all the points of the protocol. Several matters, immaterial to the present history, were vigorously insisted upon by the Spanish cominissioners; but the chief contention was that Article 3 of the protocol did not justify the United States in de. manding a cession of the Philippines, as had been insisted upon by the commissioners of our government. The pathetic spectacle of the once powerful kingdom of Spain pieading for a retention of her sovereignty over her East. ern islands was finally ended by yielding to the inevitable, and conceding what she had no longer power to prevent.

During the negotiations, the policy of remote foreign acquisitions by the United States was very generally dis. cussed in the pulic press and by prominent statesinen. It was contendud, on the one hand, that the addition of these islands, both in the Atlantic and Pacific, was un. authorized by the Constitution; and, even if authorized, was contrary to all of our history, tradition, and the spirit of our institutions; that it was a violation of the Monroe Doctrine, and that it was a dangerous menace to our system of government to bring into our national family about 12,000,000 people, most of them of different races, uneducated, and utterly ignorant of free govern. ment; that for their control a large army and navy would have to be maintained at great expensc; that these people were totally incapable of self-rule, and to hold them under military control was violative of our well-established na. tional policy, and repugnant to our form of government. On the other hand, it was argued that our nation had out. grown the precedents, practices, and limitations of its early days; that the admonitions of the fathers, well enough in their day, should not affect the changed

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conditions; that it was due to our standing amongst na. tions, to our own growth, wealth, and power that we should expand and take our place with the foremost of other nations; and that, having made war upon Spain be. cause of her tyrannical, cruel, and oppressive rule in Cuba, we were bound by the highest principles of humanity to protect all whom the fortunes of war had placed in our power from ever again becoming subject to the odious government of Spain.

The opponents of expansion, in order to make it more distasteful to the American people, called it " imperial. ism." The issue thus formed presents many perplexing problems, which must inevitably affect the two great political parties, and present subjects of contention dif. fering from those hitherto struggled over. Many Demo. crats-notably Senator Morgan-support expansion; and more Republicans-notably Senators Hoar and Hale and ex-Senator Edmunds - oppose it. An Anti-Expansion League was formed in Boston, and everywhere the dis. cussion, pro and con., became quite animated. An inci. dent growing out of the treaty caused further discussion amongst the Republicans. In the clause ceding the Philippines, it was provided that in those islands there should be an open door for the commerce of all nations. Whether or not that was the object, the effect was to conciliate Great Britain, Germany, and other European and Asiatic powers. But it looked so much like free trade and an abandonment of protection, that many Re- . publicans were startled at this departure from their time. honored theory.

Opposition to the policy of expansion did not cease when the treaty of peace was signed by the commission. ers in Paris. On the contrary, it increased in steadfast. ness and bitterness. When the treaty was submitted to the Senate a protracted debate ensued, when Senator Davis-chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations

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--who had charge of the treaty, after consultation with the President and others, fearing that it would be re. jected, , temporarily withdrew it from consideration. Finally, after unwearied efforts at proselyting, the treaty was again brought before the Senate, and on February 6, 1899, it was painted by a vote of 57 to 27, being barely two thirds. Eight Democrats voted for ratification; two Republicans, Hoar and Hale, voted against ratification. The ratification was, in part, secured by an agreement that Senator McEnery's resolution should be passed after the ratification of the treaty. This resolution declared that the Philippines should not become a part of the United States, and that American control should cease when the natives were able to form and maintain a gov. ernment, This resolution was agreed to by the vote of 26 to 22.

Sixteen Republicans, six Democrats, and four silver men voted in the affirmative; and eight Republi. cans and fourteen Democrats in the negative. This being a joint resolution, it went to the House for concurrence, but the session being near to its close no action was had.

The votes cited show that neither party was united in sentiment. But just before the closing of the session, at a caucus of the Democratic members of the House, a resolution was passed declaring that the United States disclaim any disposition or intention to exercise perma. nent sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over the Philip. pine Islands; and assert their determination, when an independent government shall have been erected therein, to transfer to said government, upon reasonable terms, all rights secured under the cession by Spain, and there. upon to leave the government and control of the islands to their people.

How far the Democratic National convention may be guided by the spirit indicated, and what position the Re. publican National convention may take upon the subject of territorial expansion and the form of government for

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