always wanted to persuade and convince, and he knew that it could not be accomplished by taunts, sneers, and ridicule, or by vituperation and misrepresentation. The great work of framing the Constitution being completed, he continued vigorously working to secure its adoption. He wrote twenty-nine of the essays in the Federalist ; and in many other ways contributed his full share in popularizing and securing the adoption of the Constitu tion. Having himself made concessions in order to secure harmony and unity, he could appeal to his fellow-citizens to waive their objections.

Upon his entrance on his public career, he sought to elevate routine politics by refusing to solicit votes, by refusing to treat the voters, and by refusing to use any of the arts or artifices usual in electioneering.

He showed how fully he was imbued with the spirit of civil and religious freedom, when, in the Virginia Legis. lature, in 1776, he brought in and carried through a Bill of Rights.

Jefferson was Madison's sincere and constant friend. As his Secretary of State, the mutual confidence and friendship was firmly cemented. Madison has been called Jefferson's "Shield-bearer "'; but he was far more than that. He bore his own shield and battle-axe and lance, and did a hero's part side by side with Jefferson in cementing the Union, and in making impregnable the bulwarks of freedom.

With Madison's coming into office, the Democratic strength in Congress was somewhat impaired; but in the popular branch it continued to grow throughout his terms. The eleventh Congress was divided thus: Senate, 24 Democrats, 10 Federalists; House, 95 Democrats, 46 Federalists.

In the twelfth Congress, 30 Democrats, 6 Federalists in the Senate; 105 Democrats, 36 Federalists in the House.

During Madison's second term, he had a very substan tial majority of Congress to support him. The thirteenth Congress contained 27 Democrats and 9 Federalists in the Senate; 115 Democrats and 67 Federalists in the House.

On March 4, 1809, Madison was inaugurated. As a legacy from the Jefferson administration, he found the non-intercourse act in operation. But the British Minister, Erskine, informed the President that England had rescinded the offensive orders given to the navy. Influenced thereby, a special session of Congress was convened, and the non-intercourse act was suspended so far as it related to England. But Great Britain repudiated the assurance of Erskine, and recalled him. Thereupon the President proclaimed the revival of non-intercourse; and it was approved by Congress. The feeling against Great Britain was so aggravated by this apparent double dealing, and by the action of Erskine's successor, that Congress requested the President to recognize him no longer. This was passed by a party vote, there being in the Senate 30 Democrats and 6 Federalists; and in the House 105 Democrats to 36 Federalists.

France was so wily as to create the impression that she had withdrawn her offensive decrees, and as a result all the indignation and anger of the United States was directed towards Great Britain. The feeling was so hot and intense that war or no war was made an issue in the Congressional elections. England continuing her depre. dations upon our commerce, and her outrageous seizure of seamen on our ships, war could no longer be averted. Madison sought to avoid it, but the national honor was so wounded, and the public feeling was so high, that Congress declared war on June 18, 1812. Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun were the recognized leaders of the war party. The Democratic party was committed to the measure by a vote of 98 to 43. The army was cursed

then, as afterwards, with political generals, and defeat after defeat ensued until soldiers were put at the head of the army. In the navy, better results were achieved, because political officers were eliminated.

The Federalists now became the Peace party; and in New England, where they were strongest, there was a dangerous opposition to the policy of the government. The Governors of Massachusetts and Rhode Island refused to allow their militia to leave their States. In this condition of affairs the election of 1812 came on. Madison received 128 votes, and De Witt Clinton, a Democrat, who was supported, without having been nominated, by the Federalists, received 89 votes. For Vice-President, Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts received 131 votes, and Jared Ingersoll of Pennsylvania, a Federalist, received 86 votes.'

In the thirteenth Congress, to greet Mr. Madison at his entrance upon his second term, there were 27 Demo. crats and 9 Federalists in the Senate; and 115 Democrats and 67 Federalists in the House. In the fourteenth Congress there were, in the Senate, 26 Democrats and 12 Federalists; in the House 122 Democrats, and 61 Federalists. A dangerous majority; but no schism or discord ensued therefrom, as often happens.

Louisiana was admitted in 1812, and the fourteenth Congress stood: 26 Democrats, 12 Federalists in the Senate; 122 Democrats, 61 Federalists in the House.

1 Electoral votes for Madison for President: Vermont, 8; Pennsylvania, 25; Maryland, 6; Virginia, 25; North Carolina, 15; South Carolina, 11; Georgia, 8; Kentucky, 12; Tennessee, 8; Ohio, 7; Louisiana, 3-total, -128.

In addition to the above, Elbridge Gerry for Vice-President received from New Hampshire, 1; Massachusetts, 2,—making his total 131.

For De Witt Clinton: New Hampshire, 8; Massachusetts, 22; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 9; New York, 29; New Jersey, 8; Delaware, 4; Maryland, 5-total, 89.

For Vice-President, Ingersoll received 1 less from New Hampshire, a less from Massachusetts,—making his total 86.

The war continued with varying fortunes. The opposition in New England, commercial rather than political, was still earnest.

On December 14, 1814, there was held in Hartford, Connecticut, a convention of delegates from the New England States, which sat behind closed doors. They recommended the legislatures to pass laws to prevent the conscription of citizens, etc. That section of the country was bitterly opposed to the existing war with Great Britain. The men prominent in the Hartford convention had been active Federalists. In 1804 and 1809 they were known as "The Essex Junto,'' and had discussed the advisability of dissolving the Union. It was therefore not without grounds that the Hartford convention and the then Federal party were denounced as disloyal. An intense feeling of patriotic indignation was aroused, but peace coming with Jackson's brilliant victory at New Orleans calmed the temper of the people, and no legal proceedings were instituted.

In August, 1814, the British sacked and burned the city of Washington - an act of vandalism unjustified by the laws of war or decency. On January 8, 1815, the battle of New Orleans was fought and won by Gen. Andrew Jackson with six thousand undisciplined troops, over General Pakenham with twelve thousand veterans. The news of this sudden and decisive victory spread the wildest enthusiasm in its slow progress through the country. American manhood and bravery had been vindicated, and we could look any nation in the face without a blush. Strength courageously displayed commands respect. It was then definitely settled that our flag was to be honored everywhere.

It is true that the treaty of peace negotiated in Ghent, before the battle of New Orleans (but of which there was as yet no knowledge on this side of the ocean), made no mention of one of the chiefest causes of irritation leading

seamen,

to the war-the search of our ships and seizure of England did not formally abandon her claim to exercise this asserted right. But it was felt that the question was settled forever without a treaty stipulation. And so it was proved.

All classes and sections were rejoiced that peaceful avocations could be resumed, even though accompanied with some political contentions. But these were råther incidental. The Federalists had as a party been dying a slow death since 1800, and soon they were swept out of existence by the storm of popular enthusiasın. They had no patronage to sustain their adherents, and there were no longer any great principles involved to retain the conscientious and zealous. The Democrats had modified their strict-construction views, and there were but slight differences upon the theory, or at least upon the practical application, of the tariff. And their opposition to the war was so unpopular that the party dissolved by general consent. Some crossed the dim line of division and became Democrats. Some stood aloof in an expectant attitude, waiting for they knew not what. And a new generation of statesmen was coming upon the stage. We have seen that Henry Clay warmly supported Mr. Madison's administration in its war measures, and he continued to be a faithful adherent.

The war with England, and with the Indians in the northwest, had caused a severe strain upon the finances of the country; and as a measure of relief a bill was introduced to charter a National Bank. The facility with which a party and its leaders can change their views upon public questions will be appreciated when it is remem. bered that in 1808 and in 1811 the Democrats had op. posed and defeated the effort to renew the bank charter of 1791. To be sure it was defeated by a majority of only one vote. But the most of the party and the . President himself were hostile to the measure.