On December 2, 1823, Monroe, referring to the proposition of Russia and Great Britain to settle the northwestern boundary disputes, said:

"In the discussions to which this interest has given rise, and in the arrangements by which they may terminate, the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American Continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for further colonization by any European power."

He said the United States had no intention of interfering in any European war, or with recognized colonies; that the United States would not view with indifference an attempt by any nation of Europe to reduce an independent nation of North or South America to the condition of a colony," and that such attempts would be dangerous to our peace and safety. This became historic as the "Monroe Doctrine," and has since been continued, and perhaps misconstrued beyond its original thought. But the fundamental idea is religiously held by all the people of the United States. Inasmuch as Great Britain, in the correspondence between Canning and Rush, had expressly disclaimed any intention of acquiring any of the South American possessions, and was willing, even eager, to unite with us in preventing interference by other powers, it is not probable that any trouble will arise between these two countries on that question, although Great Britain's practices have not always been in accord with her theories. But it is hardly prudent to predict that there may not be other international controversies on the subject, especially in our new colonial policy in the east. If the establishment of monarchical institutions in our vicinity endangers the Republic, it must be equally true that republican governments

planted in the far east will endanger monarchical institutions there,

There has been considerable controversy as to whom belongs the credit of originating the Monroe Doctrine. Mr. Sumner claimed it for Canning. But it has already been shown that Jefferson, about twenty years earlier, suggested the doctrine in his message to Congress. Further, in July, 1823, John Quincy Adams told the Russian minister that "we should assume distinctly the principle that the American Continents are no longer subject for any new European colonial establishments." Adams was, at the time, Monroe's Secretary of State, and hence his mouthpiece in speaking of foreign affairs. So it is clear that Jefferson initiated the idea, and Monroe made it a direct and bold practicality.

In 1824 the constitutional construction pendulum swung more freely. Acts were passed for surveys for a system of national canals.

He had had He had been a

Monroe's second term has been characterized as " the era of good feeling." Our foreign relations were amicable; domestic peace and prosperity prevailed; old polit ical animosities were buried; and while there were some evidences of disintegration in the Democratic party, the only political organization extant, there would be no schismatic upheaval or violent rupture. And so Mr. Monroe happily closed his administration. an active, useful, and eventful career. soldier in the Revolutionary army, twice Governor of Virginia, a Senator in the first Federal Congress, Minister to France, to England, to Spain, Secretary of State and of War, and President of the United States for eight years. Energy, honesty, simplicity, and patriotism were his dominant qualities. He was not a public speaker. His enduring fame rests upon the record of untiring, faithful, and able administrative labors. The simplicity, modesty, and thorough Americanism of Monroe were

well illustrated when, after his Presidency, he retired to his home in Virginia, was elected a justice of the peace, and cheerfully discharged the duties of that humble office, conscious that he was still serving his country.

In 1824, there being but one party, the contest was almost purely personal. An attempt to revive the system of making nominations by the Congressional caucus had failed, and this year witnessed a race" free for all." The result of the vote for President was:

John C. Calhoun had a majority for Vice-President over five competitors, and was, of course, elected. But, there having been no election, by the electors, for President, the House of Representatives was again called on to make the election. The Democrats, who adhered to the candidates endorsed by the people, had a large majority in the House; but as the vote had to be cast by States, each State having a single vote, and its direction being determined by a majority of the Representatives thereof, John Quincy Adams was chosen. Thus a second time a President was chosen by the House of Representatives. The Anti-Jackson men took the name of

The electoral votes for Jackson were: New York, 1; New Jersey, &; Pennsylvania, 28; Maryland, 7; North Carolina, 15; South Carolina, 11; Indiana, 5 Illinois, 2; Tennessee, 11; Louisiana, 3; Mississippi, 3: Alabama, 5-total, 99.

The States voting for Adams were: Maine, 9: New Hampshire, 8; Vermont, 7; Massachusetts, 15; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 8; New York, 26; Delaware, 1; Maryland, 3: Louisiana, 2; Illinois, 1-total, 84. The electoral votes for Crawford. were: New York, 5; Delaware, 2; Maryland, 1; Virginia, 24; Georgia, 9—total, 41.

Electoral votes for Clay were: New York, 4; Kentucky, 14; Ohio, 16; Missouri, 3-total, 37.

National Republicans, which was soon changed to Whig. At this time the Whig party came into existence.

Clay's friends in the House having united with the followers of Adams, and thus secured the election of the latter, and, upon his inauguration, Adams having ap. pointed Clay Secretary of State,-it was openly charged that there had been a corrupt bargain between the two. Impugning the motives of public men is one of the most common, and usually one of the most baseless, attacks to which they are subjected. It is just as easy, and quite as reasonable, to believe that Clay, finding his own election impossible, threw his strength to Adams in preference to Jackson, and that Clay's recognized abilities at once commended him to Adams as one admirably quali fied to fill the position of Secretary of State. scandal had its believers, and left its effect.

But the

In the House 13 States voted for Adams, 7 for Jack. son, and 4 for Crawford. The ballot was secret, and it was not known how the various States voted.'

Adams had had an extensive and varied experience in public affairs. From 1794 to 1801 he was Minister to the Netherlands and to Prussia under the Federalist administration. From 1803 to 1808 he was a United States Senator as a Democrat. From 1809 to 1817 he. was Minister to Russia as a Democrat. Then he became Secretary of State under Monroe. When defeated for a second term as President, he was elected in 1831 to the House of Representatives, and continued to serve in that body until his death in 1848.

'The electoral votes for Jackson were: Maine, 1; New York, 20; Pennsylvania, 28; Maryland, 5: Virginia, 24; North Carolina, 15; South Carolina, 11; Georgia, 9: Alabama, 5; Mississippi, 3; Louisiana, 5; Tennessee, 11; Kentucky, 14; Ohio, 16; Indiana, 5; Illinois, 3; Missouri, 3-total, 178.

For Adams Maine, 8; New Hampshire, 8; Vermont, 7; Mässachusetts, 15; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 8; New York, 16; New Jersey, 8; Delaware, 3; Maryland, 6—total, 83.

He was a man of distinguished abilities, and was conscientious and devout. But he was cold, irritable, austere, and repellent. He was a somewhat exaggerated type of the Puritan his father had been.

The peculiar political condition of the country and the circumstances attending his election placed him in an embarrassing situation. The offices were filled with Democrats, his own party affiliates; hence he could notmake removals, and thus he lacked patronage — that efficient means of securing a following. But, in connec tion with Clay, Webster, and others, he laid the foundation of a new party, based on a protective tariff and a general system of internal improvements. He recommended both in his inaugural address and in his first message to Congress. We have seen that the Democrats were no longer as rigid constructionists as at first. But it is one thing to approve or acquiesce in a measure fathered by one's own party leaders, and quite a different thing to be called on to support the same measures under the championship of one's adversaries. And there was now a growing hostility between Adams and his friends upon one side, and the Jackson Democrats on the other.

Adams had been friendly to Jackson, and wanted him to be Minister to Mexico. But this was before Jackson became a prominent candidate for the Presidency. The suspicious disposition of Adams had caused him to distrust Crawford, a colleague in Monroe's Cabinet, and others. who might stand in the way of his laudable ambition.

But he was elected, and naturally aspired to a second term; all of his predecessors, except his father, having received this mark of public favor. Some of the ele ments of opposition have been indicated, and others developed as his administration progressed. When he became President the Senate was composed of 38 Democrats and to Whigs, and the House of 134 Democrats and 79 Whigs.