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Editorial

China

T this writing it appears as though the European Powers now engaged in the Chinese muddle were disposed to follow the lead of the United States. England has begun to withdraw her forces from China. It is probable that Graf Von Waldersee will soon return to Germany, and that the other Powers will withdraw as soon as they can.

That American diplomacy has done much toward smoothing the way of the Allies in China is open to question. Still, the events are confirming the good judgment with which the American Government has treated this deplorable Chinese question. It is true that negotiations over the international peace proposals are protracted. The English Foreign Office has ranged itself against the demands of certain of the Allies for an excessive Chinese indemnity. The people who have heretofore viewed this whole Chinese question with an apathy which it is difficult to understand, are awakening to the fact that the whole course of the Allies in China has been a costly one and practically without results.

It were a thankless task to recapitulate all that the Allies have not accomplished. The common taxpayer, who is not in close touch with the secret of diplomatic procedure, begins to grumble. The thrifty German is beginning to think that military glory may be purchased in China at too high a price.

The man who appreciates that the situation of the Allies is likely to lead to international complications looks with fear upon any prolongation of the concert in China. In fact, it may be said that every one who appreciates the miserable condition of affairs is anxious that China should be allowed to help herself, allowed to institute reforms, even allowed to work out her own salvation without the iron grip of the European Powers and the intriguing diplomacy which may fan into flame a greater conflagration than that just passed.

We know that the moral aspect of the question appeals but little to nations land-hungry, and it is not to be supposed that, in the competition for glory and influence in which the European Powers have plunged, there will be much heed given to the rights of those who have land to be seized, but it is an encouraging fact that the AngloSaxons, in their treatment of China, are standing together to maintain her integrity and are offering her an opportunity for regeneration.

Equally agreeable is the fact that in the whole miserable business the unmentionable outrages which have disgraced the arms of some of the Allies cannot be laid at the doors of the Anglo-Saxon. There need be no complacency over this. Englishmen and Americans are not brutes-thank God! and English soldiers and American soldiers are expected to bear themselves as heroes and gentlemen.

This is by the way, however. We need not enter at length into the indemnity proposals nor the means by which the indemnity will be raised. America and England are opposing an excessive indemnity. They are fighting for the open door" for trade, and, as matters now stand, it is reasonably certain that English and American influence will be strong enough to give China a fair chance.

As to the future, who can say? We believe that the luminous articles of Sir Robert Hart have had their effect. And to what he has already written may be added his statements in a recent interview regarding the blunders

of the Powers. "Of the political situation," he says, "I do not think that we are any nearer to a solution to-day than we were before the trouble. The acceptance of the peace negotiations will not really advance the situation in any way; for China is at the moment at bay and will sign anything. Nor have I at all a high opinion of the terms laid down by the Powers. Some of the conditions are futile and unnecessary and much has been omitted which should have been inserted. I look on the proposed fortified Legation quarter as a very injudicious. move. We ought to throw the onus of protecting the Legations on the Chinese government, and to take measures that they do protect them. How can we have serious political dealings of any sort with a country whom we cannot trust even to this extent ?"

For the establishment of peace, good-will, and mutual confidence, Sir Robert Hart believes much time will be necessary and much delicacy required. "I think we should," he says, "in carrying on our negotiations sometimes try and put ourselves in the Chinaman's shoes, and look at things from his point of view. Hitherto, speaking generally, we have not admitted the fact that he has a right to a point of view at all. The failure in the policy of Western nations in dealing with China is due to the fact that no attempt is made to treat the Chinaman as a rational being. He is slow, he is conservative, his methods of thinking and acting are not our methods, but he has his feelings and his train of thought, and, if we would deal satisfactorily with him, we must endeavor to understand him. A Chinaman, like everybody else, will sign any contract when he is forced into it, but when you force a man to follow a policy which he does not believe in, that man will be forever endeavoring to find a means to circumvent his persecutors. If you look back to the international dealings with China, you will find that nearly every contract that has been made with her has been forced upon her against her will."

When asked whether the foreigner had improved his position with the Chinese by the recent display of strength, Sir Robert replied: "That all depends on how he makes use of his temporary advantage. If we expect that we shall suddenly be able to push the Chinese into becoming a progressive race like the Japanese, we shall make a great mistake. Not only would it be impossible for us to alter the Chinaman's nature, but, as I have pointed out elsewhere, it is essential that we should be most careful to treat him very gently in the matter of reform. Why do we want to make him do this and do that? And, above all, why in the world do we want to arm him and make a soldier of him?

"We may thank Heaven that he was not a soldier when the recent outbreak took place, and we may thank Heaven that it will be some time before he becomes one, for on the next occasion when he attacks the Legations he will succeed. Our endeavor must be, if we wish to have people living in China, to put Chinamen in the way of understanding and appreciating the foreigners before they become strong enough to crush them."

British Consular Reform

Foreign rivalry to British trade is drawing English attention to the question of improvement of their consular system. It has been stated by some members of Parliament and some leading manufacturers that England's consular system, as at present constituted, is a grave menace to British commerce. Americans will be interested in watching any English improvement, as the American consular system itself has been the subject of sharp criticism and the object of well-directed efforts at reform. It is a fact that the American system, which has been so largely derided in its own country, is held up as quite a model by Englishmen.

The charges against the English system are that English consuls are, with very few exceptions, political favorites rather than men whose business training has particularly fit

ted them for their duties, and that the Government, blind to the commercial welfare of the country, spends an absurdly inadequate sum on the service, thereby being largely responsible for the evils which exist. It is pointed out that, while the American and German Governments are making strenuous efforts to extend the field of their influence and increase opportunities for their trade, the English Government remains indifferent, while competition in the markets of the world daily grows keener.

Many propositions have been advanced for the improvements of the English consular service, and, while they differ in detail, they agree upon two main points: that the Government should pay the consuls better and that the consuls themselves should be caught while young and trained in the way they should go.

As the agitation in the United States is proceeding along much the same lines, it will be interesting to watch the institution of these much needed reforms in both countries.

Editorial Notes

IS THERE not a little joker concealed in this offer of The Smart Set of a cup to be competed for by Shamrock II, Constitution, and Independence? Mr. Lawson fell out with the New York Yacht Club; he is said to be one of the owners of the publication which, by a coincidence, now offers a $5,000 cup for Mr. Lawson's boat to compete for. If Independence should win, its owner would have had a sort of indirect triumph over the yacht club with which he is at odds; he would have, as stage folks say, placed himself in the position of “handing over money to himself," or something similar; and, in any case, what an ad. for The Smart Set!

"COPPER found in Butte City," reads a newspaper dispatch. It further states that the discovery was made on the corner of Main street and Broadway, "the busiest thoroughfare of the city." No verification of this remarkable statement accompanies the news, but as these are times of peculiar happenings, perhaps it is really true. "Coppers" in other cities will be interested to know that one of