their weight in political life was but vaguely recognised. Mr. Sidney Webb, who presided, said the conference included members of bodies of every size, from the London County Council and the London School Board to Boards of Guardians, District Councils, Borough Corporations, and even Parish Councils. The object of it was educational, and to give them an opportunity of exchanging experiences, in order that they might be enabled better to discharge their duties as representatives of the electors and ratepayers. The 30,000 local governing bodies, which had all been created within the last seventy years, now administered directly at least 400,000,000l. of capital, and directly employed about 400,000 persons, representing 4 per cent. of the total population. But all the mighty accomplishments of municipal government during the last seventy years were insignificant compared with what they wanted to see accomplished in the next seventy years. In some quarters a commencement was being made in the problem of better housing as well as the relative question of locomotion. He was not in favour of Socialists on public bodies using their representative positions for promoting general schemes of propagandism, or wide, impracticable proposals. Mr. F. Brocklehurst (Manchester) agreed that many Socialists too often regarded themselves merely as propagandists. He urged that our great municipalities should have an increase of local powers, with less interference by central authorities. Councillor Godbold (West Ham) represented a Socialist majority of a Town Council which had now realised almost the whole of their aims, and was getting somewhat hard up for a programme. Mr. W. Crookes, L.C.C., believed in drawing together into one representative body all the various public functions and public work now spread amongst various bodies. There should be more generous treatment of labour representatives on public bodies. He was now acting as chairman of a Board of Guardians which had sent him into the workhouse in 1861. Mr. Shepherd (Bristol) contended that it was the duty of a labour representative to look first after the interests of his own class. Mr. Day (Norwich) maintained that no enterprise or undertaking of a corporation such as a tramway should be carried on with a view to earning profits. chairman said much depended upon whether any profits so earned went into a common fund in which all the ratepayers shared. After a short adjournment the representatives met in three separate sections, which dealt respectively with educational, poor-law, and municipal questions. Councillor A. Priestman (Bradford), in the Municipal Section, read a paper on "The Unemployed," and advocated the appointment of a committee in each Town Council, whose duty it should be to press forward this subject. The case of the unemployed was more urgent, and might be dealt with more productively than a solution of the problem of old-age pensions. Old-age pensioners would be apt to become a constant menace to the labour market, whereas the

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more that was done for the unemployed the less urgent would be the necessity of old-age pensions. Dr. Martin (Chorlton) was disposed to think that the reform of the abuses of our land system lay at the root of the settlement of the question of the unemployed. Mr. Day (Norwich) believed this difficulty of the unemployed was the outcome of our competitive system. A question of such far-reaching responsibilities was eminently suitable for a body of social reformers, and the various suggestions put forward were evidence more of the interest aroused than of the remedies proposed for the complex problem of the unemployed.

On the following day (April 1), Mr. Sidney Webb read a paper upon "Technical Education." Many people, he said, were apt to make the great mistake of thinking that technical education meant trade teaching. As a matter of fact, it meant legally all instruction above the level of the elementary school, with the exception of Greek and literature. Hitherto it had been necessary to pick up our captains of industry, our administrators, our lawyers, doctors and poets almost entirely from a small section-10 or 20 per cent. of the population-who had enjoyed the advantage of something better than elementary education. If it were possible to carry forward the education of the clever children belonging to the other 80 or 90 per cent., a vast amount of ability would be utilised which at present was going to waste. This was what technical education was trying to do. What was wanted was an adequate number of scholarships, which must in all cases be accompanied by a full allowance for the scholars' maintenance as they rose from the elementary school to the university. In London they spent 40,000l. a year on this education, and he himself would urge that 11. per 100 inhabitants should be devoted to this purpose. In addition to scholarships, however, it was necessary to have efficient secondary schools and genuinely accessible universities. The whisky money was rapidly transforming the whole of English education, and it was the special duty of Socialist and Labour members to resist strenuously any attempt to confine its use to a narrow middle class. The chairman (Mr. F. Brocklehurst), explained that in Manchester they had remedied the overlapping of educational authorities by agreeing what work should be undertaken by the School Board and what by the City Council. Mr. Brookhouse (West Bromwich), remarked that personal culture and personal advantage to working-class students were of more importance than merely to give them technical education to qualify them the better as servants who could be more effectively used by employers in the system of competition for increased profits. Mr. W. Crookes was not particularly keen on sending on all the little boys and girls of the artisan class up to colleges and universities. A skilled artisan or a thoroughly domesticated woman was as much use to the whole community as the most highly cultured people at Oxford,

or Newnham or Cambridge. If a working man with technical and secondary education was incidentally for a time a better profit-making machine, he was also more valuable to himself, could command higher wages, and was less likely to be imposed upon. The chairman said it was evident, from both paper and discussion, that the range of the work of the technical education committees was only limited practically by the amount of money at their disposal, and that they could if they liked branch outwards and upwards into the higher fields of secondary education.

Municipal hospitals, municipalisation of the drink traffic, out-door relief, tramp children, art teaching in board schools and light railways, were among the other subjects which attracted attention, and invited discussion. On the question of outdoor relief, Mr. W. Crookes suggested "as a simple proposition and as a stepping stone to universal pensions," that every person above the age of sixty-five years or permanently disabled, whose income from all sources did not exceed 10s. per week, should receive 9d. a day, payable out of national funds. His aim was to utilise the existing poor law system as a steppingstone towards old-age pensions, by adopting the regulations and restrictions under which out-door relief was actually afforded.

It was unlikely that the London County Council would allow Parliament to go into committee upon the London Government Bill without being informed as to the feelings and views of that board. A number of the Progressives were, as a body, hostile to the measure in any form; but by a majority of two-thirds the recommendations of a committee especially selected to report on the bill had been adopted. These included suggestions that the word "borough" should be used in preference to "division of London"; that considerations of local feeling and historical association should be weighed in conjunction with those of administrative convenience; that the proposed borough of Wandsworth should be divided, and that the formation of a Greater Westminster was inexpedient; that the Privy Council should have not so great freedom of action as was contemplated by the bill; that the council of each district should consist of elected councillors only; that it was undesirable that women should be elected as mayors or aldermen; that elections should be triennial in May; that the auditors for the new councils should be appointed by the Local Government Board in the same manner as the auditors of the Council; that the Privy Council should not have power to revise the London Building Act, 1894, and to transfer duties from the Council to the new local councils; that the local councils representing merely divisions of London should not have the power of promoting and opposing bills in Parliament; that the proposals for optional transfer of power were inadvisable; that the provisions of the bill dealing with rating were objectionable; that the proposals with reference to the making of by-laws by the local authorities could only result in great complications and in

serious lack of uniformity; that the bill should contain provision for the reform of the corporation of the city; that greater equality in the burden of rates as between the different districts of the metropolis should be provided; that the new councils should not have the power of appointing upon all their committees persons not elected by the ratepayers.

In the critical state of foreign affairs, and in view of the small interest taken in London government by other centres, both Mr. L. Courtney, Unionist, and Sir Henry Fowler, Liberal, in addressing their respective constitutents devoted their remarks mainly to the subject of finance. The former speaking at Liskeard (April 5), reminded his hearers that in 1868 Mr. Bright said a Government deserved a vote of censure which could suggest an expenditure of seventy millions a year, whereas now the Budget showed an expenditure of more than a hundred and ten millions. He held it was an advantage to get money by taxation from few instead of many articles, because nearly every new article taxed required new machinery for its collectoin. To the suggested taxes on sugar and corn Mr. Courtney offered an uncompromising hostility, declaring they must fight most severely against any suggestions of change which were class suggestions. admitting in the main the justice of the present system, Mr. Courtney wound up with a characteristic proposal that the deficit should be met by a fractional rise in the income-taxsay one-third per cent., which would make a considerable addition "as well as provide a good exercise in arithmetic."

After

In another speech Mr. Courtney dealt more especially with the old-age pension problem, suggesting that the system of deferred pay as existing in the Army and elsewhere might be developed. Under some such arrangement employers would deduct, not compulsorily as in Germany, but in agreement with their workmen, the fixed weekly levy upon their wages to be paid into the Post Office with the object of giving them a State guaranteed pension at sixty-five.

Sir Henry Fowler at Wolverhampton (April 6) was even more at a loss for materials for an exciting party speech, and therefore contented himself and presumably his hearers with an academic lecture upon the history of modern taxation, of which the tendency due exclusively to the Liberal party had been to reduce indirect taxation enormously to the relief of the working classes. The result was that now the "manual labour class paid about 45,000,000l. a year, while "the other classes contributed about 55,000,000l. Anticipating a deficit on the coming Budget he denounced the idea of meeting it by suspending the Sinking Fund or by a loan.

A bye-election for the Harrow division of Middlesex consequent upon the retirement of Mr. Ambrose, Q.C., caused no change in the state of parties, although it showed a stronger Liberal feeling in the constituency than had been anticipated.

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No contest had taken place since 1892 when Mr. Ambrose had been elected by a Conservative majority of 2,619 votes. On the present occasion Mr. J. E. Cox polled 6,303 votes against 5,198 given to his Liberal opponent, Mr. Corrie Grant. This election, however, could not be taken as conclusive of the opinion of the constituency, inasmuch as nearly 6,000 persons-a third of the constituency-abstained from voting.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer's annual financial statement was preluded by a debate (April 13) on clerical obedience, introduced by Mr. Gedge (Walsall) who desired to pledge the Government to not giving preferment to any clergyman unless satisfied that he would obey both his bishop and the courts having ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Mr. S. Hoare (Norwich) moved as an amendment that obedience to the bishops and the Prayer-book should be the test. Mr. Balfour expressed a strong preference for the latter course, holding that it would be a pity to select for recorded censure any particular association of Churchmen. Moreover the motion had the air of persecution, but it was persecution which could hurt nobody. Another objection to the resolution was that it did not cover the whole ground. The House disapproved of all lawlessness in the Church, and did not deprecate it only in the case of one particular section. He did not believe that any effectual remedy could be found for existing troubles in a mere strengthening of the measures against lawlessness. Lord H. Cecil (Greenwich) deprecated the resolution as likely to rally the whole of the High Church party to the flag of the English Church Union, the existence of which he personally regretted. He urged the House not to hamper by any injudicious action the archbishops and bishops in their efforts to maintain order in the Church. Sir E. Clarke (Plymouth) did not think it desirable to pass any resolution on this subject. Parliament had no right to interfere with the doctrines or ceremonial or discipline of the Church; but its duty was to see that the law of the Church, as accepted by the Church and realm, was impartially enforced in the courts established for the purpose. Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman thought the debate might have ended after the strenuous and admirable speech of the First Lord of the Treasury. Ultimately the resolution, which Mr. Gedge had offered to withdraw, was negatived without a division. The amendment having thus become the substantive motion, Mr. Bartley (Islington, N.) moved to add to it the words "And the law as declared by the courts which have jurisdiction in matters ecclesiastical." Mr. Balfour could not agree to the amendment, which would impose an improper test upon clergymen seeking preferment. Sir H. CampbellBannerman said all that would be asked of a clergyman was whether he would obey the law as declared by the properly constituted authorities. In the end Mr. Balfour withdrew his opposition to the amendment, as he understood from what had been said that it was interpreted to mean merely that the law