Bills are often mentioned in the Record, only on account of their public interest. Where the estimate given of a member's legislative character seems not to be illustrated by his bills and votes, the reader will understand that other sources of information have been relied on. Every effort has been made to see the bright side of the member's character and to interpret his acts favorably.

The reader will find many bills characterized by the word "strike." By this is meant that the measure, either from its very nature, from the character of the member introducing it, or from the known facts of the case, was proposed, not in order to secure its enactment, but to extort money from persons or corporations that would be unfavorably affected by its becoming law. To operate successfully as a "strike," such a bill must of course present a plausible

appearance.

To those of the bills summarized in this pamphlet that were enacted, is appended a reference by chapter to the “Session Laws " of the year.

The facts given carry their own lesson.

Anyone who will study the facts set down in this pamphlet must admit that this city is most unworthily represented at Albany.

A legislative body composed of such elements as make up our city delegation could hardly display, as a body, either ability or public spirit. It is uncommon to find a member of that delegation voting in favor of any good measure of public importance—a circumstance that is partly explained by the fact that our members represent, for the most part, the saloons rather than the people.

The influence of the saloon in politics, while often deplored, is too little understood. It is but necessary to recall a few facts, to get an idea of the dominant power wielded by it. In one year three fifths of the primaries and

political conventions of all parties were held in saloons. There are about eight thousand licensed places for the sale of spirituous liquor in this city, or about one saloon for every thirtyfive voters. Each of these places represents a certain number of votes the votes of hangers-on who, for the privilege of frequenting the saloon, and an occasional free drink, are at the command of the proprietor. Since each saloon serves as a centre of political activity, as well on election day as for weeks preceding it, the number of votes thus influenced is so increased as to be practically all powerful in many districts. The result inevitably appears in the character of the men that are sent to the legislature. They are naturally the tools of the saloons. Until public opinion is so far aroused as to restrict a traffic that controls legislation and boasts of its control, it is too much to expect that better representatives will be elected. The further fact that there are thirty-five thousand saloon-keepers in this state, avowedly organized for the express purpose of securing legislation favorable to themselves, and of preventing all legislation unfavorable to their business interests, is too significant to be overlooked or misunderstood. When it is remembered how many votes each of these saloons controls, the gravity of the mischief becomes manifest. The saloon representative does not lose his habits upon his election. During the closing days of the last session one member was seen drunk at the door of the Assembly chamber, trying to induce the attendants to sing hymns. Another member left the chamber near the close of the session intoxicated, and did not again appear in his seat until the morning of the closing day. During this time some of the most important bills of the session were under consideration.

The New York delegation this year, while improved in one or two instances, lacked aggressive leadership—for either good or bad. Consequently, while it was quite as inclined toward

corruption as in former years, the returns in dollars and cents were not so large as had been expected, and open complaints of the "hard winter" were common. Legislation was influenced by cliques and factions to a greater degree than in many recent sessions; there were divisions within divisions, parties within parties, contributing to defeat numerous schemes that otherwise might have proved successful.

All things considered, the city may well be thankful to have been allowed to escape as easily as it did, at the hands of a thoroughly bad legislature.

EXPLANATION OF THE COURSE OF BILLS IN THE LEGISLATURE.

The bills introduced in the Legislature come from various sources, and members introduce them from various motives :to obey the dictate of "boss or party; to oblige a friend or constituent; to secure some personal benefit from a change in the law; to extort money from corporations or rich individuals; to make a good "record"; and sometimes even to work some public benefit. That bills are commonly drawn carelessly and by incompetent hands, is clearly seen in the awkward, incoherent, and contradictory laws that are poured forth at the rate of nine hundred printed pages a year.

SENATE.

When a bill is introduced in the Senate, it is read the first time, and is also read immediately the second time. The "first reading" is merely the recital by the clerk of the enacting clause of the bill, and the "second reading" is a hurried announcement by the clerk of the title. The bill is then referred by the presiding officer to the standing committee having charge of legislation on the subject upon which

the bill bears. The f of most bills is decided in committee. A determination upon the part of the committee to smother or to kill a rii will commonly be successful. The standing committee may give notice that at certain times it will hear arguments for or against the bill; and at such times any advocates or opponents of the bill may spcak. The committee may report the bill to the Senate, with or without amendments.

If a bill is reported favorably by a standing committee, and the report is accepted, it is then printed. A disagreement with a favorable report would send the bill back to the committe; but such a disagreement rarely takes place. If a bill is reported unfavorably, and the report is accepted, it is dropped, and can be brought up for consideration, only by a vote of the Senate.

The bill is then considered in committee of the whole. In that committee the bill may be amended, or another bill upon the same subject may be substituted. No record of the votes in committee of the whole is kept, and of the proceedings little of importance appears in the publication known as the "Legislative Record," and nothing in the official journals. That this is so is to be regretted; for the committee of the whole, while a committee in name, is in fact and effect the Senate itself. Thus, the committee of the whole may be used by dishonest members as a screen for crookedThe theory upon which the committee of the whole exists is that at some point in the consideration of a measure, members ought to have an opportunity to talk and to vote more freely than strict parliamentary rules will allow, and without the restraint imposed by an official record of the proceedings.

ness.

Often the same bill is introduced in both houses. If such a bill passes one house and goes to the other, the bill as

introduced in the second house is dropped in many cases, and action is taken only on the bill as received from the first house. But the senate may treat its own and the assembly bill as distinct. By formal motion either bill may be sub

stituted for the other.

Upon a bill as printed in either house the letters "G. O.” followed by a number indicate the place of the bill in general order; the mark "Int." followed by a number is used to show the order in which bills are introduced. The phrase "general orders" refers to the order of considering bills in committee of the whole. The third number upon a bill, 66 No.- is given when the bill is printed, and by it the bill is commonly cited. The mark" 3d Rdg." when substituted for the letters "G. O." upon a bill, denotes that it has been advanced to its third reading or placed upon its final passage out of its general order. As a new number is given to a bill each time it is printed, and as bills are often printed afresh after undergoing amendments, a bill may appear under two or more numbers. The introductory number, however, remains unchanged. The date upon a printed bill is the day of introduction. Many bills introduced are never

printed.

A member may introduce a bill "by request," without any statement of the source of the request. But this manner of introducing a bill is not regarded as diminishing the introducer's responsibility for the bill.

ASSEMBLY.

The new rules as adopted by the last Assembly are an improvement. Bills are now introduced by being deposited in duplicate in a "bill box" from which they are taken at the close of each day's session-one placed upon file for public