in business for. The liquor lobby was never more industrious, more defiant or more confident than it is this year. Its work has been effectively done, and whatever legislation it asks from this Assembly, that it will have."

THE ENDRES POLICE SPY BILL.

This bill was introduced in the Assembly (No. 825) by Mr. Endres, of Buffalo, March 7th. It amends the Excise Law of 1873, by providing that "it shall not be lawful for any sheriff, deputy sheriff, constable, policeman and officer of police or law, or any agent of any society, to enter any such places so licensed to sell strong or spirituous liquors, wines, ales, or beer, at any time when such selling is not authorized by law, and solicit or induce any person or persons to expose for sale or sell, give away or dispose of, any strong or spirituous liquors, wines, ale, or beer;" a violation being made a misdemeanor.

The excise law at present provides that saloons shall not sell liquors, etc., and "shall be closed and kept closed:" (1) on Sundays; (2) on election days, within one-quarter of a mile of the place where the election is held; and (3) between one and five, A. M., every day. Violation of this law is a misdemeanor, and is punishable in two ways: either through a complaint lodged by a resident with the Board of Excise, who must summon the licensee, and if satisfied that he has violated the law, must revoke his license; or by an ordinary criminal prosecution for the misdemeanor, in which case (besides the usual fine or imprisonment, or both) conviction of itself works a revocation of the license. A licensee, whose license is revoked by either method, is debarred for three years from holding another license.

The Endres Bill was prepared by a Committee of the Central Association of Retail Liquor-dealers. Its object was

unmistakable. It was an attempt to make it practically impossible for those charged with the duty of enforcing the laws to secure evidence of sales of liquor during prohibited hours, or at places forbidden by law, and since violations of that law consist mostly of sales made at unauthorized times and places, its effect would have been the practical nullification of the Excise laws. This was what was intended by the Central Association, and the boldness and vigor with which the bill was pushed, and the general support which it received from members, showed that the retail liquor-dealers had responded nobly to the appeal of the Association that "in all public questions affecting our trade, our motto should be: Our business interests first, and party considerations second.'"' The election in several Democratic districts of Republicans who proved to be devoted friends of the liquor traffic, affords an exemplification of the motto.

The bill was referred to the Excise Committee, the composition of which was such as to leave little doubt of its bias, and on the first of April, that Committee in the absence of its Chairman, Mr. King, and with but two votes against it, adopted a favorable report. On motion of Mr. King, who showed himself indefatigable in his efforts to defeat the bill, it was subsequently referred back to the Committee, but only to be again reported favorably. The strength of the liquordealers was never more conspicuously shown than in their attempts to pass this bill, and the success which they had had in electing members pledged to place the interests of the liquor-dealers above party considerations justified their confidence, and it is almost surprising that the bill was defeated. That it was defeated, was due to the public indignation which was aroused by the nature of the bill when its true character was exposed, and for this the State is largely indebted to Mr. King.

The history of this bill, and that of the State Excise Bill are particularly striking, as they serve to illustrate the enormous and increasing power of the liquor-dealers, through their constantly extending methods of organization covering the entire State, and including nearly, if not quite, all the wholesale and retail dealers, and having at their command a practically unlimited supply of money with which to "protect" their interests.

Upon the various motions to refer the bill back to Committee or to advance it, Messrs. O'Hare, Gibbs and Martin were active in its favor, and Mr. King against it.

The New York City members are recorded as follows:

In favor of the bill: Blumenthal, Brady, Byrne, Clarke, Connelly, Dinkenspiel, Duffy, Gibbs, Haffner, Kerrigan, Martin, Menninger, Monaghan, Mullaney, O'Hare, Sohmer, Stein, Sullivan, Sulzer, Webster and Wissig.

Against the bill: Hoag, King and Lewis.

THE NEW BALLOT ACT.

The passing of the ballot reform act, after it had been vetoed by Governor Hill in 1888 and again in 1889, was substantially a triumph for the cause of ballot reform. At the same time the bill, as enacted, does not compare favorably with the draft made by the Commonwealth Club and the City Reform Club in 1888. The buffetings of three sessions have left their mark upon it in its greatly increased length, its involved sentences, and its concessions to much illconsidered suggestion.

It is easy to criticise the act in many of its details: but, on the whole, it is a good beginning. Senator Saxton, of Wayne County, who has been the advocate of ballot reform, in three successive sessions of the legislature, says in a letter to the City Reform Club, "In my opinion the blan

ket ballot is far preferable to the separate ballots required by the compromise law. The paster ballot will, to a certain extent, continue the evils of the old method, but they will be 'greatly modified in degree; and experience will soon convince all that this last relic of a pernicious system can be easily dispensed with." These two objections are among the most serious that will arise in the minds of advocates of the reform. The provision that a separate ticket shall be printed for each party, containing the names of all the candidates of the party for the various offices, conflicts with one of the fundamental principles of the Ballot Reform League, to wit: "The names of all candidates for the same office shall be printed on the same ballot."

This league, which sent to Albany the petition on behalf of the ballot bill signed by 70,000 voters of this city and Brooklyn, ought to be able to compel the legislature at its next session so to amend the act that it will not offend against any of the principles laid down in that petition. Senator Saxton's fear as to the result of providing formally for the use of complete party pasters is not without foundation. The act provides that "any voter may take with him into the booth or compartment, a printed ballot of his own selection or preparation, to be known as a paster ballot, containing the names of all the offices to be filled and of the candidates therefor for whom he desires to vote, which paster ballot may be gummed on the back thereof, and the voter may paste the whole of such paster ballot on any of the official ballots below the stub" * *** "all pasters shall be of white paper, and must be printed in type uniform with that required by this act upon the ballots, and shall be printed in plain black ink."

Under the pretence that such "paster" must be printed, and on Election Day distributed at the polls, as freely as

ballots have been printed and distributed in the past, the political machines may try to maintain their elaborate system of heavy assessments and paid "workers.”

SUGGESTIONS TO VOTERS.

Voters ought to become familiar with their election day duties under the act. Many, who would find it tedious to learn these duties from the act itself, may be glad to study a brief statement of the way in which the voting will be done.

The voter has registered in the usual way. On Election Day he goes to the polls. In and about the polls he finds posted official cards of instruction, directing him precisely what to do. Upon entering the polling-place, he finds it divided by a railing, within which are admitted only the officers of election, watchers, and the voters actually engaged in voting. Inside the rail, he sees several small compartments or booths with doors. Passing within the rail, he gives his name to the election officers; if found to be duly registered, he receives from the ballot clerks one of each kind of official ballots. Before this is done, two of the officers of election write their initials in the voter's presence upon a numbered stub or slip attached to each ballot. The stubs of his ballots all bear the same number, which number is noted by the poll clerks after the name of the voter in their books. He must then immediately, and without passing outside the rail, go into one of the booths and prepare his ballot. He must stay there at least three minutes, and may stay ten, but no longer. He finds the ballots larger than those he has been used to. Upon one ballot are printed the titles of the offices to be filled, with a blank space under each title. The voter may use this ballot, by writing in the blank spaces the names of the candidates for whom he wishes to vote. Each of the other ballots contains the printed names of the candi