always upheld the existing fiscal system, has never been a Protectionat-any-price man. Even in the case of Imperialism and a vigorous foreign policy, Mr. Roosevelt has never gone to extremes, and he has frequently denounced the recklessness of the more violent men. In truth, there is a great deal of the old Whig moderation-we use the term rather in the English than the American sense-about Mr. Roosevelt. That is the spirit which dislikes extremes in all cases, which is against pushing even a good principle or a good policy too far, and is in favor of keeping all things within the bounds of common sense. But this spirit is a very different one from that of the opportunist or the man of perennial compromise. The true Whig when he has discovered what he believes to be the path of moderation in any question will stick to it through thick and thin. His views may be "central,” but they are none the less tenaciously held, and history has shown again and again that the Whig temperament may be both authoritative and uncompromising in action. Lord Palmerston was a good example of the authoritative Whig, and, unless we are mistaken, Mr. Roosevelt will show in a good many ways a striking resemblance to Lord Palmerston. Of course, no two men are ever quite alike, but impulsiveness combined with an abstract moderation of view, and authoritativeness coupled with a strict recognition of law and constitutional right, undoubtedly belong to both characters.

The essential thing to remember in regard to Mr. Roosevelt's position as to foreign affairs is that he is an upholder of the Monroe Doctrine in its fullest and most complete form. All his writings and speeches show that he considers that America must prevent the European Powers obtaining any new foothold in North or South America, or extending the settlements they now possess in any form, direct or indirect. His view, that is, is to enforce the full Monroe Doctrine at all costs.

And now the country was in charge of a man young in years, but not young in all those essentials that go to form a wise statesman and a just ruler. The graduate of Harvard, saying that every man should assist in governing his country by governing himself; the Assemblyman caring for the honest interests of his State; the Police Commissioner, suppressing corruption and blackmail; the Assistant Secretary of the Navy, urging the Cabinet and the two Houses to adopt the Washingtonian maxim as to preparing for war in time of peace; the Rough Rider, going to war to fight the foe of his country; the governor of a great State, insisting upon the passing of bills that should benefit the people-this man was now President, and there was every asurance that under him the administration of the affairs of the country would redound for the betterment of the land, and that the millions of citizens in the North, the South, the East and the West, would continue to speak with pride the name of Theodore Roosevelt.

CHAPTER XXI.

The Negro Problem in America-Booker T. Washington, the Ablest Mar
of His Race-The Colored People to Develop On Their Own Lines-
President Roosevelt's First Message to Congress-An Era of Peace
and Good Feeling-Anarchy-Business Interests-Trusts-Exclusion of Cheap
Labor-The Tariff-Reciprocity-Gold Standard-Hawaii, Porto Rico,
Cuba-The Philippines-Monroe Doctrine-Army and Navy-Merit System-
Indian Tribes-Postal Service-"Open Door”—Our Policy to Continue
Unbroken.

W

HEN the politicians and the newspapers were, in the first month of Mr. Roosevelt's incumbency, speaking of his forthcoming Message and believing that it would follow

on the lines of the Presidential messages of his predecessors in office, an incident occurred which called forth some criticism, especially in the South.

Booker T. Washington, the negro philanthropist, was invited to dinner at the White House. The invitation came from the President, who was entirely within his right, whatever his motive; and if his motive was to weaken a prejudice by defying it, and he expected the consequent outburst of irritation, and was unmoved by the expectation, he did a very noble act. The President by his act had no desire to set the black man as the equal of the white man. He wished to further the good condition of the colored race, as Booker T. Washington so long preached and wrote. But there could be no question of equality on social lines.

Booker T. Washington, of whom we wish to speak with all respect as perhaps the ablest man of his race, himself recently acknowledged this in a public speech which made a deep impression, not only on his hearers, but all through the Union. At any rate, this solution is

strongly urged by a negro writer in a very able paper in Leslie's Weekly. He desires to keep the races entirely apart, and to let each develop on its own lines, while keeping a respectful distance from the other. It is through strict but kindly segregation that, in the present exceptional circumstances, the road to peace between the races lies, a segregation which each should accept as made by laws over which neither of them has any power.

Reform, which had been the motive in every political position he had held, actuated President Roosevelt in inviting to his private table a man who, no matter what his race or color, worked hard and tirelessly for that race, and was an intelligent and good citizen with the welfare of several million dusky-skinned brothers at heart. The negro problem was one that must be recognized in the United States, and what was more fitting than that the supreme executive should recognize in the most complimentary and respectful manner a man who believed that he stood nearer to the solving of that problem than any one else? Years had gone by since the Civil War, and failure had attended every large effort to deal successfully with the race emancipated by that war; and in his speeches and writings Mr. Roosevelt had endeavored to urge the amelioration of conditions concerning the negro and a means of placing the race on a footing of self-respect and substantial success, while putting down their wrongdoing, which was the outcome of the license engendered by idleness and hopelessness of the encouragement of the world at large.

The first message of President Roosevelt was bound to receive more than the ordinary degree of attention which the country bestows upon such documents. Sent to Congress December 3d, it gave his countrymen an opportunity such as they had not hitherto had to measure his capacities for the vast responsibilities suddenly and unexpectedly thrust upon him.