STATEMENT OF THOMAS J. REARDON, UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION DEFENSE FOUNDATION, HARTFORD, CONN.

Mr. REARDON. I have some figures here that I would like to give the committee that I picked up as the generals from the army testified. I think they are important.

The CHAIRMAN. Very well. We will give you a few minutes. It is very late.

Mr. REARDON. I realize that, but the time was given and I respect the knowledge of the men who know how to conduct war as an army. Now, I want to give you the figures so you will understand those figures:

Amount as of July 25, 1940, on hand: Army, none at all, to speak of. That was the date in 1940 that we were talking of an army that we needed. Now, the condition and emergency that existed at that time left us without any of the men that we have acquired in the past year under the act we passed at that time. So that as of July 25, 1941, we have improved that situation very much. By July 2, 1942, we will have improved it considerably more, because we will have those that we let out at the end of the year's service in reserve, and we will have followed through with supplies, and you have your 300,000 uncalled for.

So in the mathematical figures that are furnished to you by the Army there is no discrepancy in the necessary men, but the discrepancy is in the shortage of material on that side of the ledger. The CHAIRMAN. You mean fighting equipment, munitions and things of that kind?

Mr. REARDON. That is admitted, that the production of arms has not been equal to the men that you have called to arms. In the meantime, the figures that were furnished you by those men, an analysis of that, and a keen analysis of the facts and the figures before you, will give you this answer: There is no need of any additional time being taken from the men who are to leave at the end of their year's service, because they came in at periods and they leave at periods and in amount and in number that, when you examine it, all dovetails in together.

Now, one point that General Hershey made, I believe he spent some little time reading about the act that we passed a year ago, and he explained the law of the act. Now, here is the point in this whole act that brings up a question that has not been answered, and it is a question of the duty of a citizen of the United States of America to his country. It is under that duty and that is the only allegiance that you are demanding his service, and you demand that he serve a year, and you said it would be that unless the emergency increased, or the peril. The danger was accepted at that time without any background that you have acquired in the year, and the danger has not increased, and you certainly have further implemented your defense, as far as your men go, and you have not equaled it with your equipment.

Now, the point that is important all through this whole matter is the procedure of Congress in suspending the provisions of the Constitution, and by so doing you have legalized the unconstitutional use of the men and material of our country, because on page 3, article

III, section E, you say "The Western Hemisphere." Now, you get into the question of the legality of the use of our troops. The Western Hemisphere was included in that paragraph, based on the theory that the Monroe Doctrine was a law of the land. The Monroe Doctrine is no more a law of this Government to be respected than the third term was a law of this land for us to respect in the last convention and election.

To properly implement that statement, and just as General Davis covered it very thoroughly in his prepared statement, I enter for you, and I will only read part of it to you and leave the rest of it with the clerk-the founders of our Government were familiar with the history of the struggle for liberty and they made secure in a written constitution every right which the people had wrested from power during a contest of ages. Those great and good men foresaw that troublous times would arise and that the principles of constitutional liberty would be in peril unless established by irrepealable law.

The Constitution of the United States is a law for rulers and people, equally in war and in peace, and covers with the shield of its protection all classes of men at all times and under all circumstances No doctrine involving more pernicious consequences was ever invented by the wit of man than that any of its provisions can be suspended during any of the great exigencies of government. Such a doctrine leads directly to anarchy or despotism. Wicked men, ambitious of power, with hatred of liberty and contempt of law, may fill the place once occupied by Washington and Lincoln. Our fathers knew that unlimited power was especially hazardous to free men.

That is a citation from Justice David Davis of the United States Supreme Court. That explains the wording and intent of the Constitution. The implementing of that Constitution and the things that we have taken advantage of with that implementation shows the wisdom of our forefathers. They foresaw the condition we are in today, and if we speak of our way of life, then we come to the principles that they involve. Article V of the Constitution provides for departure from our way of life. It is the process of adding additional territory or additional flags as an obligation of the citizens of the United States, and you know Congress has provided in that manner, and then Congress has legalized the unconstitutional use, when you say, in fact, you are going to use it to defend countries in the Western Hemisphere, and there is not a country in the Western Hemisphere that is qualified to or obliged to give you that in return. On the 4th day of July of each year we celebrate the Declaration of Independence. There are those among us today who would have us declare a Declaration of Independence to support and implement their doctrine of international defense. We have national unity for national defense. The doctrine of international defense has created the controversy and confusion that is in this country of ours today. Our duty as citizens of the United States is to defend the United States and its Territorial possessions. This does not allow the defense of any other country, its possessions or its flag.

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, sir. The Committee will meet next Monday morning at 10:30 for the purpose of disposing of this matter. (Whereupon, at 1:45 p. m., the Committee adjourned until 10:30 a. m. Monday, July 28, 1941.)

PROVIDING FOR THE NATIONAL DEFENSE BY REMOVING RESTRICTIONS ON NUMBERS AND LENGTH OF SERVICE OF DRAFTEES

MONDAY, JULY 28, 1941

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, COMMITTEE ON MILITARY AFFAIRS, Washington, D. C.

The committee met at 10:30 a. m., Hon. Andrew J. May (chairman) presiding.

The CHAIRMAN. The committee will be in order.

The Chair would like to make a statement to the ladies who have come here this morning for the purpose of being heard on this legislation that the committee is extremely rushed for time. We have more than we can do in the time within which we have to do it, and this is very urgent legislation.

I have been submitted a list of seven names of ladies representing various committees and organizations throughout the country and the committee has consented to hear either one lady who will represent all in the group, or some four or five ladies a lesser time to discuss the bill.

I have on this list Miss Cathrine Curtis, national chairman of the Woman's National Committee to Keep the United States Out of War and of the Mothers' National Executive Committee, of New York City.

Also Mrs. Rosa M. Farber, acting national chairman of the Mothers of the United States of America, Detroit, Mich.

Mrs. Ethel Groen, president of the Mothers of Sons Forum of Cincinnati, Ohio, and others.

The Chair would like very much to have you ladies, if you have written statements, submit those statements for printing in the record. How many of you have written statements? All of you who have statements written will you please stand? Eight.

I think probably the best way is to have the statements submitted so they can be printed in the record and they will appear as your testimony given before the committee. That will save your time and save the time of the committee, because if you start out to testify and read your statements it will consume 2 or 3 hours of our time and we just do not have that time.

Will that meet with your approval?

Mrs. FARBER. It is not satisfactory, as far as I am concerned, because I made a long trip here and I want to acquaint you with the fact that all of these people represent boys who by war regulations are not permitted to speak for themselves.

The CHAIRMAN. We all know that.

Mrs. FARBER. We represent those boys who have not been heard. You have perhaps heard some people, and we would like the courtesy that is accorded everyone else before this committee, which I believe a gentleman from Kentucky will not deny to a lady.

The CHAIRMAN. Just a moment. There is not a committee in the Congress but what has a very large percentage of its printed hearings made up of written statements that are handed in and made a part of the record in order to save the time of the committee. And there are 435 Members of the House waiting for this legislation and we have got to get it out.

Mr. SHORT. I Wonder if we cannot hear them all if they will finish by 12.

The CHAIRMAN. No. I will recognize Miss Cathrine Curtis for 5 minutes. You may be seated, if you wish, Miss Curtis.

Miss CURTIS. I have a prepared statement which is a document of some length. I have only come here from New York City so my trip is not so far. However these other people have come from Cincinnati, Detroit, and other distant points.

The CHAIRMAN. Who do you represent?

Miss CURTIS. I am speaking officially for the Woman's National Committee to Keep the United States Out of War and for the Mothers National Executive Committee.

The CHAIRMAN. Of 535 Fifth Avenue, New York?
Miss CURTIS. Yes.

The CHAIRMAN. You have a statement in writing?

Miss CURTIS. Yes, may I finish my preliminary statement first? The CHAIRMAN. Well, you may finish but do not speak for the others; speak for yourself.

Miss CURTIS. I am perfectly willing to file my statement with the

committee.

I would like to use a part of the 5 minutes you have given me to tell you that you have given ample time to the military; they have not been limited to any 5 minutes or to any 15 minutes or any half hour. They have come before you and said what they wanted to say without any hesitation or limitation as to time. I want to tell you that it is the public that supplies the Army and pays for the maintenance of that Army and the maintenance of the Government. I think you are doing the people of this country a great injustice if you do not give them ample opportunity to be heard, as much time as you have given the members of the military staff.

The CHAIRMAN. Now, Miss Curtis-

Miss CURTIS (interposing). Just a minute. I have not finished. The CHAIRMAN. Well just a moment, Miss Curtis.

Miss CURTIS. I have not finished with this statement. I want to complete this statement and then I am through.

I do not think the men on this committee realize the conditions as they exist in the camps throughout this country. The mothers and fathers of these boys are in position-and one father is here today— to give the committee some valuable information and you ought not to shut them off with just a printed statement, because possibly they have not put in these printed statements much of the material that you ought to know about.

I am not going to say anything more, Mr. Chairman. I am going to file my statement and give the balance of my time to other people, and to urge you, Mr. Chairman, that you give them the same consideration and the same opportunity to voice their opposition that you have given the military to voice their endorsement.

Mr. SHAFER. I want to know if you will include in your testimony the name of Mr. Clark who represented some organization in favor of the resolution.

Mr. THOMASON. And there were others representing fathers and mothers of the selectees who came here and testified at great length and voiced their opposition without interruption, I should say, for an hour or more.

Mr. SHORT. They were not given the full time——

Mr. SHAFER. And are you going to include them in your list? Miss CURTIS. No; we are not including him, because we have nothing to do with the organization that he represents.

Mr. SHORT. Why not give her time to present her statement? The CHAIRMAN. I am simply trying to save time.

Mr. SHORT. I would like the record to show that time has not been given to members of some of these organizations.

The CHAIRMAN. If the gentleman had been present at the hearings all the time, he would understand that they have.

Mr. SHORT. I was here with the exception of 1 day, and I read every word of the testimony on General Marshall given at that time.

Miss CURTIS. May I say, Mr. Chairman, that the public is not informed that hearings have been going on; the newspapers have carried practically no information about it.

The CHAIRMAN. Miss Curtis, I announced on the floor of the House that hearings were to start and expressed the wish that the public be informed, and that they appear and express their opinion. One gentleman appeared and made a speech on foreign affairs.

Miss CURTIS. Mr. Chairman, I am sure you realize that making a statement on the floor of the House does not mean the public will be informed of it or the newspapers will carry it.

The CHAIRMAN. They usually do carry such information.

Mr. SHORT. Mr. Chairman, I wonder if it would not meet with the approval of the committee to go ahead until, say, 12 o'clock. Mr. SHAFER. I do not understand the rush in getting this out; we have the tax bill first.

The CHAIRMAN. You wish to file your statement?
Miss CURTIS. Yes. My statement follows:

Mr. Chairman and members of the House Military Affairs Committee, my name is Cathrine Curtis. My address is 535 Fifth Avenue, New York City. I am speaking today as national chairman of the Women's National Committee to Keep U. S. Out of War and of the Mother's National Executive Committee. These organizationsthrough direct membership and that of affiliated groups-represent several million women in this country. These women are vitally interested in keeping our country out of this present European warkeeping it free of all European entanglements, power politics, and intrigue. These women want to preserve our constitutional representative form of government, which is our greatest heritage handed down to us by the founding fathers of this Republic.