The suffering of millions more will entail as a result of the loss of these dear ones, and dire poverty will follow in the wake should it be enacted. This is the road not only to war but to revolution.

The subtle pleas of the interventionists and communistic proponents of this measure should fool no one. It is a war measure, not a defense bill, and it jeopardizes the lives of every one in the United States. The dictator powers it confers on the President should be sufficient warning to all alert Americans to be on their guard.

The proposed concentration of tremendous armed strength at home. would make us an armed camp and invite war, but when this great power is placed in the hands of one man it at once becomes a menace to all our liberties.

History is repeating itself now with Roosevelt here. There is little doubt that the President of the United States has committed the American people to war.

If you gentlemen will believe me, I am not merely reading a statement; I am telling you something so important to the American. people that I think I should be given the courtesy of attention. I want to say now that I have had to fight for every step of the way, and if you gentlemen

The CHAIRMAN. Just a minute.

Mrs. WATERS. Will you listen, please? You gentlemen know me, and you know what I said at the time of the repeal of the embargo. You know that I have said that this is a Jew plot. You remember at the time of the repeal of the embargo I said to you, "You are taking us to war," and you said, "No, this is a peace measure." But the facts today prove it was the road to war.

Now, today, when you stand before the country on this measure, this means war. And you are well aware that it means war. You cannot explain to the American people that it is a measure for peace.

We want national defense. We do not want our boys sent to war. We do not want to have such a crisis set up that will ratify this Jew plot.

I have presented you time and time again with the secret protocols of the Elders of Zion, which show how hundreds of years ago this very plot was being evolved, that now is being perfected by the New Dealers involving the American people, written by the Jews with their pen dipped in the blood of Christians, for the destruction of the world.

This plan means a world revolution financed with our money and we are to become a part of the Soviet Republic. We are to join with Great Britain and Soviet Russia in the Jew plot of "union now" and Great Britain is to be defeated and surrender to Hitler, and then Stalin is to sweep the world, and we have the man in the White House advocating this bill. I have asked you before and ask you now that you will not listen to him and bring about a situation until the American flag is supplanted by the Communist flag, and we become a part of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics via militaristic dictatorship and involuntary servitude, and innocent blood of our people; I have a few more words to say, and I hope you will listen.

61230-41-—11

History is repeating itself now with Roosevelt here. There is little doubt that the President of the United States has committed the American people to war. It has been disclosed that a secret pact has been made beween the United States and Soviet Russia against Japan, and probably against the entire world, and there are other secret pacts.

I have offered you the White Papers discovered in the archives in Poland, in which they said it was promised by the Jew Bullitt whose mother's name was Gross-Horowitz, that we would get into it. And we are going into it step by step now. But we will not go in unless you take us in with this bill, and if we go in you have to take us in against our will. If they create any incidents, those incidents are Jewish plots for the destruction of this country by a planned "New Deal" or "New World Order" or the "Four Freedoms."

The CHAIRMAN. Your time has expired.

Mrs. WATERS. I will submit a brief containing the balance of it. General Marshall, who represents the President, of course can take hours, but poor women who represent millions of American people all over the country cannot be heard.

Will you give me another time to talk to you? I have a few more things to say.

The CHAIRMAN. We have given you nearly an hour and a half.

Mrs. WATERS. You have given me just 5 minutes. You have not given us anything like the amount of time you have given to the administration.

The CHAIRMAN. We do not need your criticism here.

Mrs. WATERS. I think the American people are entitled to say a few things.

The CHAIRMAN. Your testimony is going in the record as you have stated it.

Mrs. WATERS. Then I will say this, Mr. Chairman, that you have always been courteous to me; you have been most courteous, but I hope you will let me have 5 minutes more. I never had any fight with any of you men on the Hill.

The CHAIRMAN. You heard me say in the beginning that we are desperately pressed for time.

Mrs. WATERS. I know. There was one other thing I would like to say, and that is that this bill is unconstitutional.

The CHAIRMAN. The House is in session, and I have a conference report on an important bill.

Mrs. WATERS. May I extend my remarks and offer a further statement?

The CHAIRMAN. You can submit a memorandum to me and if I think it is proper, I will put it in the record.

Mrs. WATERS. Í have for years submitted statements before this committee on measures, which have never been put in the record because they were too hot stuff for you.

The CHAIRMAN. The committee will go into executive session at this time.

(Thereupon, the committee proceeded to the consideration of executive business after which it adjourned.)

(The following was submitted for the record:)

STATEMENT BY SEYMOUR ETKIN, SECRETARY, WASHINGTON KEEP AMERICA OUT OF WAR COMMITTEE

The Washington Keep America Out of War Committee is a membership organization seeking to enroll all those persons who agree with its purpose. It works for

1. An amendment to the Constitution to give the people the right to vote for war or peace. In the meantime, Congress should authorize an advisory

referendum before it votes to declare war.

2. A negotiated peace-not an appeasement-to-Hitler peace but a just peace for the belligerents and the conquered nations.

3. World cooperation among nations with justice for all.

4. An extension of democracy, civil liberties, and security at home.

It works against

1. Armament economics.

2. Extension of conscription or allowing it to become permanent in peacetime. 3. Dangerous legislation that will draw us closer to the war.

4. Intolerance, racial discrimination, denial of workers' rights, and infringement of freedom of speech.

The members of our organization are Government workers, non-Government workers, students, housewives. They come from almost every State in the Union. Affiliated to the Keep America Out of War Congress, our group, like its parent, is organized to promote peace, to extend our democracy, and to strengthen our security against want. It is unalterably opposed to all dictatorships.

KEEP AMERICA OUT OF WAR CONGRESS

National Chairman.-John T. Flynn.

Vice chairmen.-Oscar Ameringer, John Haynes Holmes, Paul Hutchinson, Bishop Paul Jones, Oswald Garrison Villard.

Governing committee.-Devere Allen, Rabbi Philip S. Bernstein, Dr. Charles F. Boss, Jr., Dorothy Dunbar Bromley, Rev. Allan Knight Chalmers, Dorothy Detzer, Albert W. Hamilton, Sidney Hertzberg, Abraham Kaufman, Frederick J. Libby, Minnie Lurye, Lenore G. Marshall, Mrs. Seth M. Milliken, A. J. Muste, Ray Newton, Mildred Scott Olmsted, Norman Thomas, Bertram D. Wolfe. Staff.-Mary W. Hillyer, executive director; Alice L. Dodge, organization secretary; Henry W. Dyer, associate secretary; Fay Bennett, youth secretary.

Mid-West office.—740 Rush Street, Chicago, Ill., Kenneth Cuthbertson, executive secretary.

Washington office.-532 Seventeenth Street, Washington, D. C., Seymour Etkin, secretary.

(Prepared by Washington chapter, Keep America Out of War Congress, 532 Seventeenth Street NW., Washington, D. C.)

OR WAS IT CAMPAIGN ORATORY?

It will be a breach of faith to the men in the selective service camps, to their parents, to their wives, sweethearts, and friends, if the Congress extends the term of service of selectees.

This is the only conclusion one can draw after rereading the hearings for compulsory military training and service before the Senate Military Affairs Committee that were held in July 1940.

It is apparent that during the debate on the passage of the original Selective Service Act last summer many of those who appeared before this Senate committee in support of the act did so with the understanding that the period of service would be only 8 or, at the most, 12 months.

"Giant Army" not proposed.-One of the most ardent supporters of the Conscription Act was Grenville Clark, chairman, National Emergency Committee of the Military Training Camps Association of the United States, New York, N. Y. He was questioned as follows:

"Senator REYNOLDS. How many men do you propose to draft in the first instance?

"Mr. CLARK. We are proposing nothing definite as to that, sir. Right there was another misapprehension, not on our part, but in the press, which I want

to clear away. There was some unfortunate publicity to the effect that his bill would create a "giant army." It has no purpose of that sort at all.":

1

At another point in his testimony before the Senate Military Affairs Committee, Mr. Clark made the following statement:

"We want to make sure that this bill fits into the existing structure. We have our Regular Army. We have the National Guard. This bill is not intended to destroy or impair either. It is intended to help them.

"Now this is the way we argued it out: It is inconceivable that Congress would pass a law that would just draft a few hundred thousand men out of our whole population and put them in a long service of enlistment, the enlistment of the professional soldier. That is not democratic and it is not fair

*

* 299

Senator Burke, one of the sponsors of the act, was himself under the impression that only 8 months training would be required. Addressing Mr. Clark on the problem of returning men to civilian life, Senator Burke said:

"One other point in connection with that (the question of deferments for family men). I have had hundreds of letters from men within this age limit of 21 to 45 saying, 'What provision is going to be made for me to get my job back? I want to train. I will be delighted to go for 8 months but I have just worked up into a steady job now. Am I going to start all over again at the foot as the result of this legislation when my 8 months' training is over?" ""

It was obvious to Senator Schwartz, another supporter of the act, that the length of service would be but 8 months. During testimony by Col. Julius Ochs Adler, Senator Schwartz asked the rhetorical question :

"Do you think that a young American is going to lose his patriotism and disregard the welfare of his country simply because he is struck on some girl and will have to be away for 8 months;

499

Further in his testimony, Colonel Adler said:

"And the other point on it, Senator [Burke], is that Congress will have to appropriate for whatever men are called. And, we went even further, to indicate to the Nation that we were not trying to harness a permanent, tremendous army on them, by putting at the very end of the bill this law is only good for so many years, and has to be renewed.

"We are very sincere that we are not making any effort to make it permanent."",

The questions that follow speak for themselves:

"Senator GURNEY. Do you think that this 8 months' training period is long enough, or that it should be 12 months or some other number of months?

"General HASKEL. [Gen. William N. Haskell, commanding the New York National Guard]: * * * I think that 8 months' training, full-time training, will do; will make a good soldier. I think that our average time was 9 months in the last war and they got a bad start. If we have the equipment to train them with, I think that the soldier can be trained in 9 months in any arm of the service."

*

*

*

"Colonel ADLER. My thought on it is that 8 months would be just about the right period, particularly assuming, as we all agree, that this is an emergency and that there would not be any holidays; the men would work on Saturdays and Wednesdays as they do any other time, and that the hours would be longer; and I think you could get in in 8 months what in peacetime might take some 15 or 16 months."

"Senator DoWNEY. Before you leave that, may I ask this, Colonel? I understand that it is your impression that with 8 months' training you can turn out

1 Hearings for compulsory military training and service before the Committee on Military Affairs, United States Senate, July 3, 5, 10, 11, and 12, p. 13.

2 Hearings, ibid., p. 35.

Hearings, ibid., p. 36. 4 Hearings, ibid., p. 78 5 Hearings, ibid., p. 72. Hearings, ibid., p. 54. 7 Hearings, ibid., p. 70.

a soldier who is about as efficient in this new mechanized warfare as if he had had 2, 3, or 4 years' training? Is that your conclusion?

"Colonel SANDERS [Col. Lewis Sanders, New York, N. Y.]. Under ordinary peacetime Army training methods; yes.

"Colonest FROST [Lt. Col. Herbert H. Frost]. I recommend that the training period be 12 months."

Cost per man figured on 8-months period.-In calculating the costs of maintaining the selectees, 8 months' service was the basis used:

"Senator REYNOLDS. I want to ask what you think would be the cost per man of keeping him, feeding him, housing him, and instructing him; the cost of these troops, as well as taking into consideration the transportation of the men into the camps. About what do you think would be the approximate cost per man? I think that the Congress and these gentlemen are a little bit interested in the costs.

"Senator DOWNEY. Yes.

"Colonel SANDERS. I do not have detailed information on that, sir; but I think Colonel Adler's estimates are between four and six hundred dollars per man for 8 months' training is pretty close to the truth.

"Mr. Clark, I think, estimated that as about $100, did you not, Mr. Clark? "Mr. CLARK. I think Colonel Donovan mentioned $400. I thought it was a trifle low and we went over that further in the conference later in the day. "I think that Colonel Donovan agreed that that was a trifle low and that this figure that Colonel Adler mentioned of $400 or $600 for 8 months-not a year let us not forget that it is figured out on that basis. I think that is more like it.

*

* * * 10

"Senator REYNOLDS. That cost per man of about $400 for 2,000,000 men would be about $800,000,000 annually.

"Senator DOWNEY. That is just for 8 months

"Senator REYNOLDS. I meant to say 8 months. That would be $800,000,000. "Colonel SANDERS. Yes, sir.

"Senator JOHNSON of Colorado. It would be $1,200,000,000 per year. "Senator DowNEY. $1,200,000,000 a year, Senator." "1

Educators assumed 1 year service.-Some of the leading educators of our Nation supported the conscription bill with the understanding that the period of training would be 1 year or less.

Dr. George F. Zook, president of the American Council on Education, Washington, D. C., gave his unqualified endorsement of the bill, but he also made this statement:

"It is our belief that when a young man 21 years of age is called up and is enrolled in college or in a university, the university will attempt to arrange his work so that he can complete it before he is actually selected or provide some other way by which he can complete it after the 8 months of compulsory service is over.

"We think that is an indication of the intense desire on the part of the institutions to be as cooperative as possible in this situation.12"

Dr. Guy E. Snavely, executive director of the association of American Colleges, said his organization also favored the Selective Service and Training Act, but included in his testimony the following:

"Dr. Conant is a member of our board. I had a long-distance telephone conversation with him yesterday, and he plead with me to see that the ages 18 to 21 be not included in any military training or service, and furthermore he said, 'Please use all the influence you have to give them an opportunity to have their schooling; not disrupt their schooling'; because, after all, as I said previously, that is a small group, and if you take them out of school for 9 months, or 8 months, or 12 months, a great many of them will lose the habit of studying and never go back again, and we need educated leaders."

8 Hearings, ibid., p. 83. Hearings, ibid., p. 303. 10 Hearings, ibid., p. 102. 11 Hearings, ibid., p. 102. 12 Hearings, ibid., p. 121. 13 Hearings, ibid., p. 133.