to Congress, rather than the usual array of personal reflections. He began by reminding his audience of the duties which the late election had imposed upon the Legislature. The struggle had not been between one leader and another, or even between the two parties. The country had asked to be delivered from the politicians who had worked the legislative machinery in the interest of the speculative owner of capital.

"The verdict of our voters which condemned the injustice of maintaining Protection for Protection's sake, enjoins upon the people's servants the duty of exposing and destroying the brood of kindred evils which are the unwholesome progeny of paternalism."*

He proceeded to impress upon his followers the obligations which had been imposed upon them by their success.

"The people of the United States have decreed that on this day the control of their government in its legislative and executive branches, shall be given to a political party pledged in the most positive terms to the accomplishment of tariff reform. They have thus determined in favour of a more just and equitable system of Federal taxation. The agents they have chosen to carry out their purposes are bound by their promises, not less than by the command of their masters, to devote themselves unremittingly to this service."

This appeal to the party to apply themselves to the work before them had a special significance, and recalled the history of the contest in November. Congress had been elected to carry out the policy of which Mr. Cleveland traced the lines four years before. Those principles were affirmed by the nation in 1890, but to the Congress then

chosen the Executive was adverse. Now the nation had recalled Cleveland to office and sent him a Congress pledged to his policy. The Democratic majority was not so numerous as in 1890, but it was large, and principally made up of men who in the fifty-second Congress had declared for reduction of tariff.

The inauguration being over, the next business was the choice of a Cabinet. On this occasion Mr. Cleveland departed from the plan he had adopted in his first term. Then it was his object to show that a satisfactory Administration could be formed out of the Democratic party. This time he turned to Mr. Gresham, of Illinois, who had been long regarded as the representative of Independent opinion among the Republicans. He was proposed as the candidate of the party in the election of 1888, but received no support from the political managers. He became Secretary of State, whilst Mr. Carlisle, of Kentucky, who had done distinguished service as Speaker in the previous Congress, went to the Treasury. Mr. Carlisle, in the early part of his career, was not quite free from the inflationist heresies which exercise so great an attraction upon many Democrats; but the arguments of Mr. Cleveland had gradually convinced him of the danger arising from concessions to the silver interest, and all through the second Cleveland Presidency he has contended against that movement with vigour and ability. Mr. Hoke Smith, of Georgia, as Secretary of the Interior, and Mr. H. A. Herbert, of Alabama, as Secretary of the Navy, represented the South. From New York came Mr. Lamont, as Secretary of War, and Mr. W. S. Bissel, as Postmaster - General;

whilst from the New England Democrats, Mr. Olney was selected for the office of Attorney General. Mr. J. Stirling Morton, of Nebraska, was appointed to the Commissionership of Agriculture, a department to which Mr. Cleveland had, in his first Administration, given Cabinet rank.

Of Mr. Cleveland's former ministers, Mr. Manning was dead, Mr. Lamar had accepted a seat in the Supreme Court, Mr. Bayard proceeded as Ambassador to St. James'. The new Administration did not include a single member of the old Cabinet.

The drain of gold which had excited alarm in the previous year continued all through the spring, and it was reported that the President would exercise the power which the Constitution gave him of calling Congress together for the despatch of business, immediately after his installation. It has been said since that, had he taken this course in March, he might have been able to shape the new Congress to his policy, and would have had a much better account to render of Democratic administration. By postponing the meeting of Congress, he gave time for the intrigues of various self-seeking politicians, who might have been cowed if called on to fulfil their pledges whilst the President's laurels were still fresh from the triumph of popular vote. These critics, however, overlook the fact that an interval of four months between the election and opening of Congress was inevitable; and this was undoubtedly used in arranging various combinations in the Senate to thwart the cause of the new Administration. In considering such speculations we must keep in mind that the difficulties he encountered

The

were not in the House of Representatives, which, on the whole, acted with public spirit and loyalty towards him, but in the Senate; and it seems doubtful whether any degree of promptitude would have disarmed the antagonism of the Gormans and the Brices. President perhaps saw that, with obstacles of this kind before him, it was impossible for a new Cabinet, whose members had not yet made themselves acquainted with the records of their respective departments, to enter immediately upon a course of drastic legislation. The formal session of the Senate for the sanction of the new appointments concluded without any announcement as to the date of meeting for general business, and the power to call Congress together in extra session was not exercised until August.

CHAPTER XI.

CURRENCY LEGISLATION.

Extra session of Congress-Review of the Silver movementRepublican finance during the War-Popularity of greenbacks— Desire for abundant currency-Resumption Act, 1875-Rise of the Silver interest-The Bland Act-Cleveland proposes its repeal, 1885 The Sherman Act, 1890 - Monetary Crisis of 1893Cleveland proposes repeal of the Sherman Act-Obstruction in the Senate-Repeal carried.

HE events of the next few months made it clear

THE
The events of the most tion was urgently needed,

and an extraordinary session was summoned for the 7th August. Before detailing the proposals which the President laid before Congress, it will be necessary to glance at the history of American currency. The career of the silver interest brings out very vividly the susceptibility of American politics to speculative impulses, and the struggle of Cleveland against the aggressions of the mine-owners will stand out as one of the most memorable incidents in his career.

A very dramatic chapter in the annals of the Republic is the destruction of the Bank of the United States by President Jackson. However deficient that statesman may have been in economic knowledge, he gave practical effect to an idea popular with the Democratic party.