Mexican wars. The question is whether aggression would really be useful to the Union. The General says, "My judgment at present is that we want no more territory. If we could take in the territory of Ontario, it would make a good State; but the vast hyperborean region of the North would embarrass us with inchoate States and territories without a corresponding revenue. I am dead against any more of Mexico." Here we have two men of great experience and responsibility, both of whom played memorable parts in the history of their country. They are not addressing noisy crowds, but, in the seclusion of their libraries, they are speculating on the balance of advantage in appropriating the lands of other nations.

Since Benton's time, a great change has come over all these frontier questions, as a result of the constitution of the Dominion; but this growth of a great industrial population, who are not believers in the blessings of Republican government, does not by any means soothe the susceptibilities of the American citizen, whilst his opinion of the nation whom he has defeated, both in the field and in the council chamber, steadily declines. We are constantly told that the Americans are an industrial, not a military, sanguinary race, and this is probably true: but they are eminently manly, and regard with disdain all who affect a position which they do not defend.

One of the popular explanations of the Venezuela message was, that the President's advisers had been alarmed and chagrined by the attacks made on the Government in connection with many parts of his foreign

Q

policy, such as his declarations about Hawaii and Samoa, and his acquiescence in the measures taken by England against Nicaragua earlier in the year 1895. Mr. Olney's despatch was, it is said, intended to restore the credit of the party before the elections in the following November. The urgency of other affairs rendered it impossible for the English Cabinet to deal with this onslaught at the moment, and whilst Mr. Olney's eloquence lay buried in despatch boxes at Whitehall, the State elections came on. The Democratic polls tumbled down by hundreds of thousands. It was not the number of the seats lost, so much as the places where these defeats occurred, which made these elections ominous of the break up of the Democratic majority. New York, Ohio, and Kentucky, States which supported Mr. Cleveland in 1892, were carried by large Republican majorities.

The Cabinet had been deprived of the opportunity of setting themselves right in the opinion of their countrymen, and showing their spirit in dealing with monarchies, and Mr. Cleveland, it is supposed, wrote the Venezuela message under a sense of extreme irritation. This is a somewhat frivolous line of speculation, and proceeds on assumptions for which there does not appear to be any trustworthy foundation. It is supposed that a man of Mr. Cleveland's calibre must be above the passions and prejudices of his nation. Overweening self-complacency makes Englishmen forget how intense. and universal these feelings are. The antipathy to monarchies, the jealousy of European connection, have always characterized the most illustrious leaders of that party whose political training he has endeavoured to advance.

They were conspicuous in Benton, Calhoun, and Jackson —men whose teaching every Democrat regards with enthusiasm. It is probable that, although Mr. Cleveland would express himself in a different way, he sympathizes with the republican righteousness of the Morgans, the Dolphs, the Chandlers, and the Lodges, and would be well pleased to have done his part in loosening the ties which connect European Governments with populations on the American continent.

Whether the condition of opinion shown in the speeches and writings of American statesmen, and apparently, to some extent, shared by so able a man as the President, qualifies that country to help in the elaboration of a new system of international relations, it is not necessary here to enquire. The reader's concern is with the acts and motives of Mr. Cleveland; and in estimating the effect of his Venezuelan policy on his claims to statesmanship there is this further consideration, in addition to the mental attitude of Americans towards England, and their disbelief in her willingness to fight. There is the probability that, engrossed in profound questions of home policy, he has not observed the remarkable change which England has undergone since the days of the Ashburton and the Oregon Treaties. One indirect and unexpected result of Mr. Cobden's achievements has been to excite an interest in foreign affairs among numerous classes of Englishmen, who formerly regarded such questions with absolute indiffer

ence.

The conviction has spread over the country that the foreign policy pursued from Peel to Granville was dangerous and costly, and that we are likely to suffer

in our self-respect, our sense of personal security, and in our pockets, until we have succeeded in convincing some nation of the first class that in equipment and resolution we are ready for war.

CHAPTER XV.

THE CHICAGO REVOLT.

Continued exports of gold-Loan of one hundred millions-Loan Prohibition Bill-River and Harbour Bill-Passed over the veto-Free coinage agitation-Civil Service reform-Republicans nominate McKinley-Cleveland calls his party to action—The Chicago platform-Nomination of Bryan by Democrats at Chicago and Populists at St. Louis-The Populist party.

T would not be necessary to devote any further space

striking contrast which the last session presents in the exploits of the majority on the one hand, and the unshaken spirit of the President on the other. The conflict between the advocates of free coinage in the Senate, and the champions of high duties in the House of Representatives, occupied Congress, but brought no help to the Treasury. The export of gold continued, and in January preparations were made for the issue of a new loan.

A notice was published, inviting applications for $50 bonds to the amount of $100,000,000 before the 6th February. The bonds were to bear 4 per cent. interest, to be paid for in gold, and be repayable in "coin" in 1926. European bankers refused to apply, and the very day the Treasury proposal was published, the Finance Committee of the Senate passed the Free Coinage Bill. Notwithstanding this discouragement, bids came in to the amount of $558,000,000, some applicants offering as