of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.

"He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary to the public good."

Then follow twenty-six other charges against King George.

CHAPTER V.

CONTEST FOR THE PRESIDENCY.

Position of the Republicans-J. G. Blaine-Reform movement— Hostility of professional politicians to Cleveland-The Mugwumps -The Tariff-The memories of the Civil War-" Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion"-Large majority for Cleveland.

N the Presidential contest of 1884, the Republicans

In the Presidential disadvantages to contend against.

The nation desired a change. It was tired of the selfglorification of the Republican party, and attributed the general corruption to their monoply of power during twenty-four years. The scandals of the second Grant Administration had been notorious, and under Mr. Arthur's Presidency the Star Route enquiry, and similar disclosures, showed what little progress had been made towards that regeneration of political life which the public fondly hoped for on the installation of General Garfield. In such circumstances the proposal to give Mr. Arthur a second term found little support, and the party hesitated between Senator Sherman, of Ohio, and Mr. J. G. Blaine, who, after General Grant, was the most conspicuous figure in the Republican camp.

He had been Secretary of State to President Garfield; but the imputation of abusing his position as Speaker of

the House of Representatives, by levying contributions from a railway company, persistently clung to him, and his nomination by the National Convention at Chicago alienated at once those active members of the party who had been striving to purify the political atmosphere. He could boast, no doubt, of abilities far above the average; nevertheless he was odious, apart altogether from the Little Rock scandals, to every sincere patriot, as a man who, through a long career, prostituted his great talents by encouraging every popular delusion. A zealous admirer thus described him: "A live man always abreast of the times, he never allows himself to fall behind a single step." To be first in the favour of the crowd was the object he pursued all through life.

The Democrats, on the other hand, both in New York and Pennsylvania, had taken an active part in the uprising against professional politicians. In the contest between Hayes and Tilden the country thought that party had been unfairly treated, and had given a good example of admirable self-control and thorough loyalty to the Constitution. There were many independent men, too, who desired the return of the Democrats to power, as marking the final conclusion of the war period.

The special feature of the political situation in 1884 was the culmination of that movement for Reform in local government, which had been proceeding for some years past. This was not the monopoly of one party or another : it was the outcome of general discontent at the prevalence of abuses in public administration; and vast numbers of people were ready to vote with the Democrats, not from any clear preference for their political creed, so much as

because they were the party opposed to the men who had so long held office. The sentiment in favour of something better than the existing condition of political life took the positive form of a separate organization to promote the success of the Democratic nominee. 'Mugwump' was the popular name applied by professional politicians to those who had become indifferent to the

behests of the local leaders. A Mugwump has been defined as a person who never goes to the poll except to vote against someone. In 1884 they went, not so much to vote against Blaine, as to vote for Cleveland.

Among the Democrats this Reform movement was led by the County Democracy, which has been already mentioned as an organization distinct from the City committee, familiarly known as Tammany. This was the body which had, in 1882, selected Cleveland as the candidate of the party, for the Governorship of the State.

The Democratic Convention was held at Chicago a month later than that of the Republicans, and it was determined to choose a candidate who, in personal character and political independence, should be in marked contrast with Mr. Blaine. Mr. Cleveland had the great advantage over distinguished competitors like Mr. Bayard, Mr. Thurman, and Mr. Carlisle, that he had never made. his appearance in the political circus. Although a staunch Democrat, he had been twice called to important offices by the independent support of both parties. He was the very antithesis of the professional politician. His nomination was strongly opposed by this class among the New York Delegation; but their hostility was overborne, and

he was nominated on the second ballot.* He was at once promised the support of distinguished Republicans like George William Curtis, Carl Schurz, Henry Ward Beecher, whilst the independent press throughout the States east of the Mississippi warmly espoused his cause.

There was nothing very new in the Democratic platform of 1884. The principal topics were the inexpediency of continuing political power in the hands of one party, and the importance of limiting taxation to the requirements of the State.

The first resolution was, "No taxes, direct or indirect, can be rightfully imposed upon the people except to meet the expenses of an economically administered government."

When Mr. Cleveland received from the Convention the formal announcement of his nomination, he replied in the following letter, which is his first recorded statement of party policy: †

"Your formal announcement does not, of course, convey to me the first information of the result of the Convention lately held by the Democracy of the nation : and yet when, as I listen to your message, I see about me representatives from all parts of the land of the great party, which, claiming to be the party of the people, asks them to entrust to it the administration of their government, and when I consider, under the influence of the

* A majority at a National Convention, whether it be a simple majority as among the Republicans, or a two-thirds majority as among the Democrats, is measured by the whole number of Delegates sent; and where there are several candidates the balloting may go on for some days.

+ Writings and Speeches of Grover Cleveland, p. 8, by GEORGE F. PARKER, New York. Cassell Publishing Co., 1892.