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rang through England fifty years ago. It was the voice and philosophy of Cobden; it was the false and alluring appeal urged for the reversal of Great Britain's industrial policy from protection to free trade. It was the hypocritical cant against which the beloved Kingsley thundered his bold denunciations that dear and revered churchman, whose memory is cherished wherever the English tongue is spoken. Here is his characterization of it:

"Next you have the Manchester school, from which Heaven defend us! For all narrow, conceited, hypocritical, and anarchic schemes of the universe the Cobden and Bright one is exactly the worst. To pretend to be the workmen's friends by keeping down the price of bread when all they want thereby is to keep down wages and increase profits, and in the meantime to widen the gulf between the workingman and all that is time-honored and chivalrous in English society, that they may make the men their divided slaves-that is, perhaps, half unconsciously, for there are excellent men among them, the game of the Manchester school.'

"The chapter on Germany is of special interest. The speeches and economic policy of Bismarck furnish a splendid indorsement of the policy of protection. In fact, the results of protection in Germany, Russia, France, and all Continental countries are shown to be very satisfactory. An important point brought out and apparently sustained in every instance by the experience of Continental countries

and of the United States is, that where an industrial nation has for a short period reduced its duties and practiced, or approached, free trade, the result has been disastrous, and the nation has been compelled in a short time to return to the policy of protection, in order to preserve and restore to life its crippled and decaying industries. While, on the other hand, the policy of protection wherever pursued, whether for a short or long period, has imparted life and activity, resulted in the development of domestic industries, thrift, enterprise, prosperity, and the accumulation of wealth. Its benefits have ever manifested themselves in the improved condition of the masses. The longer and the more continuously this policy has been pursued, the more steady and vigorous has become the growth and development of all productive industries. The data Mr. Curtiss marshals in support of this view would seem to be reliable and incontrovertible."

The Protection and Prosperity book of Mr. Curtiss is indeed an arsenal for public writers and speakers, and it is the greatest of campaign documents. Not only is the commendation of Major McKinley one of striking propriety and pertinence -it bears testimony to the constant ardor of the Republican candidate in bringing his studies up to the present but it furnishes an example of the versatile force he displays in whatever he discusses that has application to current events.

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE ST. LOUIS CONVENTION.

The organization and speeches of the presiding officers-The plat form-The nominating speeches and ballots nominating the candidates for President and Vice-President.

T

HE delegates to the Republican National
Convention of 1896, assembled at St. Louis

certain that the nomination of the President had been made by their constituents. William McKinley, of Ohio, was manifestly the choice of the people, because he was, more than any other man, identified with the protection of American industry. His opponents had agitated the money questionwhether the Convention should declare for a gold standard by way of diversion, and as it was doubtful whether the explicit use of the word "gold" would be approved, interest centered temporarily upon that issue. The gathering of the delegates only increased the McKinley sentiment, and there were doubts whether the nomination for the great office would not be forced by acclamation. However, it was determined to make the record. The high compliment of the Temporary Chairmanship of the Convention

was conferred upon C. W. Fairbanks, of Indiana, a Republican long of prominence in that State and of steadily increasing importance. His speech, upon taking the chair, was full of telling passages. We find space for some of them especially forcible :

"Under the operation of honest tariff and honestmoney Republican laws the country grew in wealth and power beyond precedent. We easily outstripped all other Powers in the commercial race. On November 8th, 1892, there was work for every hand and bread for every mouth. We had reached highwater mark. Labor received higher wages than ever, and capital was profitably and securely employed. The national revenues were sufficient to meet our obligations and leave a surplus in the treasury. Foreign and domestic trade were greater in volume and value than they had ever been. Foreign balances were largely in our favor. European gold was flowing toward us. But all of this is changed. The cause is not hard to see. A reaction began when it was known that the legislative and executive branches of the government were to be Democratic. . . . The imperilled interests of the country watched and waited through the long and anxious months for some settlement of the important question. They wanted an end of uncertainty. At length the Wilson bill was adopted, and it was characterized by a Democratic President as the child of perfidy and dishonor.' It was so bad that he would not contaminate his hand by signing it.

"This important law was wanting in the primary purpose of a revenue measure, for it failed to provide adequate revenue to meet the requirements of the Government. The deficiency thus far amounts to some $95,000,000. The end is not yet, for the deficiency grows day by day. This leaves the Treasury and public credit in constant peril. Our foreign credit is impaired, and domestic capital feels insecure. "The bill struck down reciprocity, one of the highest achievements in American statesmanship. No measure was ever enacted which more directly advanced the interests of the American farmers and manufacturers than reciprocity. With its destruction fell advantageous commercial agreements, under which their products were surely finding larger and profitable foreign markets, and without the surrender of their own. The substitution of ad valorem for specific duties has opened the way for systematic wholesale frauds upon the Treasury, and producers and employers of the country.

"Having attempted to reverse the tariff policy of the United States with such lamentable results, the Democratic party now proposes to reverse the currency policy. It turns to the currency as the parent of our ills. Its effort to shift the responsibility will deceive no one. Its attacks upon the tariff, its record of inefficiency and insincerity, are a part of the unfortunate history of the Republic.

"The present currency system is the fruit of Republican wisdom. It has been adequate to all our

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