This First Pan-American Scientific Congress selected Washington as the place for the Second Congress, and named October, 1912, as the appointed time for the meetings. But when our State Department asked Congress for a modest appropriation of fifty thousand dollars to meet our international obligations for this Pan-American gathering, our billion-dollar Congress decided to economize and denied the appropriation. When the matter came up again during the Congress that has just finished its sessions, the appropriation was recommended by the Committee on Foreign Affairs, but was thrown out on a technical point of order.

Now, you cannot make Latin Americans believe that the United States is so poor that we cannot afford to entertain International Scientific Congresses as Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, and Chile have done. They argue that there must be some other reason underlying this lack of courtesy. No pleasant words or profuse professions of friendship and regard can make the leading statesmen and scientists throughout Latin America forget that it was not possible to hold

the Second Pan-American Scientific Congress because the United States did not care to spend the money that was involved in assuming her international obligations. Nor will they forget that Chile spent one hundred thousand dollars in entertaining the First Pan-American Scientific Congress, and that the ten official delegates from the United States government enjoyed the bounteous Chilean hospitality and were shown every attention that was befitting and proper for the accredited representatives of the United States.

In short, here is a concrete case of how our present policy toward Latin America justifies the Latin-American attitude toward the country that has been maintaining the Monroe Doctrine. We have given them the right to feel that our policy is a purely selfish one, maintained for our own interest, and not concerned with promoting international goodwill-at least not when it costs any cash. Is it fair to ourselves to continue to maintain a doctrine which is open to such an interpretation?

VII

It is conceivable that there may come a day when threatened foreign invasion or racial migration will make it appear advisable for us to reassert the principles of the original doctrine of America for the Americans. At present, to be sure, the "A B C" powers regard the original Monroe Doctrine as long since outgrown, and as being merely a display of insolence and conceit on our part. With Brazil now owning the largest dreadnoughts in the world; with Argentina and Chile building equally good ones; with the fact that the European nations have long since lost their tendency toward monarchical despotism, and are in fact quite as democratic as many American republics, it does seem a bit ridiculous for us to pretend that the Monroe Doctrine is a necessary element in our foreign policy.

Nevertheless, there are those who think that the most natural outlet for the crowded Asiatic nations is to be found in South America, and that Japan and China will soon be knocking most loudly for admission.

There are already fifteen thousand Chinese in Peru. They readily assimilate with the Peruvians.

"The Chinese colony is rich and influential; it has taken firm root in this new land, while it retains undiminished its pride of race and its active sympathies for the progressive movement in China."

Peru, as well as Bolivia, Ecuador, and Colombia, is still overwhelmingly Indian in population. Dr. Hrdlička, one of the leading authorities on American Anthropology, is of the opinion that the peoples of Northeastern Asia closely resemble the American aborigines. It seems not improbable that South America was once colonized largely by Asiatics. It seems to me equally probable that a similar movement may happen again.

A recent writer on "the Yellow Peril," Mr. Bland, for many years the London "Times" correspondent in Peking, and a leading authority on Chinese history and politics, has even ventured to predict that Asiatic emigration to the tropical and sub-tropical countries of South America is certain to develop rapidly in proportion to the devel

opment of direct means of communication which will follow from the opening of the Panama Canal. The Cantonese, held back from other fields of activity, will assuredly seek them, as rapidly as possible, in those regions of Brazil, Peru, Ecuador, Colombia, and Chile, where agricultural and other work is essentially a question of labor, and not of white labor.

"Economically speaking, the development of husbandry and industry in these regions by the labor of Orientals would appear to offer the only practical solution of problems upon which, in no small degree, depends the material welfare of the human race. Politi- . cally, however, the possibility of large numbers of Chinese and Japanese settling on the American continent opens up prospects of new racial difficulties in the future. Herein the separate interests of individual South American republics may well be found to conflict with those Pan-American or Monroe Doctrine ideas which lately found expression in the resolution of the United States Senate to forbid the acquisition by Japan of 'fishing rights' and a harbor on the