of that kind to put in competition, but fimply the article of beer. But on the contrary, was it not a fact as demonftrably clear, that Britain, in its turn, poffeffed fome manufactures exclufively her own, and that in others fhe had fo completely the advantage of her neighbour, as to put competition to defiance. This then was the relative condition, and this the precife ground on which it was imagined that a valuable correfpondence and connection between the two might be eftablished. Having each its own and diftinct ftaple-Having each that which the other wanted; and not clafhing in the great and leading lines of their respective riches, they were like two great traders in different branches, they might enter into a traffic which would prove mutually beneficial to them. Granting that a large quantity of their natural produce would be brought into this country, would any man fay, that we should not send more cottons by the direct course now fettled, than by the circuitous paffages formerly used-more of our woollens than while restricted in their importation to particular ports, and burdened under heavy duties? Would not more of our earthen ware, and other articles, which, under all the difadvantages that they formerly fuffered, ftill, from their intrinfic fuperiority, force their way regularly into France, now be fent thither; and would not the aggregate of our manufactures be greatly and eminently benefited in going to this market loaded only with duties from twelve to ten, and in one instance with only five per cent.? If the advantages in this refpect were not fo palpable and apparent as to ftrike and fatisfy every mind interefted in the business, would not the Houfe have had very different petitions on their table than that prefented this day? The fact was apparent. The article (fadlery) charged the most highly in the Tariff, gave no fort of alarm. The traders in this article, though charged with a duty of fifteen per cent. knew their fuperiority fo well, that they cheerfully embraced the condition, and conceived that the liberty would be highly advantageous to them. A market of fo many millions of peoplea market so near and prompt-a market of expeditious and certain return-of neceffary and extenfive confumption, thus added to the manufactures and commerce of Britain, was an object which we ought to look up to with eager and fatisfied ambition. To procure this, we certainly ought not to fcruple to give liberal conditions. We ought not to hefitate, because this which muft be fo greatly advantageous to us muft alfo have its benefit for them. It was a great boɔn procured on easy terms, and as fuch we ought to view it. It was not merely a confoling but an exhilarating speculation to the mind of an Englishman, that after the empire had been engaged in a competition the maft arduous and imminent of VOL. XXI.

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any that ever threatened a nation-after struggling for its exiftence, that still it maintained its rank and efficacy fo firmly, that France, finding they could not shake her, now opened its arms, and offered a beneficial connection with her on eafy, liberal, and advantageous terms.

We had agreed by this treaty to take from France, on small duties, the luxuries of her foil, which however the refinements of ourfelves had converted into neceffaries. The wines of France were already fo much in the poffeffion of our markets, that with all the high duties paid by us, they found their way to our tables. Was it then a ferious injury to admit thefe luxuries on easier terms? The admiffion of them would not fupplant the wines of Portugal, nor of Spain, but would fupplant only an ufelefs and pernicious manufacture in this country. He ftated the enormous increase of the import of French wines lately, and instanced the months of July and Auguft, the two moft unlikely months of the year, to fhew the increase of this trade. The Committee would not then perceive any great evil in admitting this article on eafy terms. The next was brandy, and here it would be inquired whether the diminution of duty was an eligible measure. He believed they would alfo agree with him on this article, when they viewed it with regard to fmuggling. The reduction of the duties would have a material effect on the contraband in this article; it was certain that the legal importation bore no proportion to the quantity clandeftinely imported-for the legal importation of brandy was no more than 600,000 gallons, and the supposed amount of the fmuggled, at the most rational and beft-founded eftimate, was between three and four hundred thousand gallons. Seeing then that this article had taken fuch complete poffeffion of the taste of the nation, it might be right to procure to the state a greater advantage from the article than heretofore, and to crush the contraband by legalizing the mar

ket.

The oil and vinegar of France were comparatively small objects, but, like the former, they were luxuries which had taken the fhape of neceffaries, and which we could fuffer nothing from accepting on eafy terms. Thefe were the na

tural produce of France to be admitted under this treaty. Their next inquiry fhould be to fee if France had any manufactures peculiar to herself, or in which fhe fo greatly excelled as to give us alarm on account of the treaty, viewing it in that aspect. Cambric was the firft which stared him in the face, but which, when he looked around him, and obferved the general countenance of the Committee, he could hardly think it neceffary to detain them a moment upon The fact was, it was an article in which our competition with

France

France had ceased, and there was no injury in granting an eafy importation to that which we would have at any rate. In no other article was there any thing very formidable in the rivalry of France. Glafs would not be imported to any amount. In particular kinds of lace, indeed, they might have the advantage, but none which they would not enjoy independent of the treaty; and the clamours about millinery were vague and unmeaning, when, in addition to all these benefits, we included the richness of the country with which we were to trade; its fuperior population of twenty millions. to eight, and of courfe a proportionate confumption, together with its vicinity to us, and the advantages of quick and regular returns, who could hefitate for a moment to applaud the fyftem, and look forward with ardour and impatience to its fpeedy ratification? The poffeffion of fo extenfive and fafe a market muft improve our commerce, while the duties transferred from the hands of smugglers to their proper channel, would benefit our revenue-the two fources of British opulence and British power.

Viewing the relative circumftances of the two countries then in this way, he faw no objection to the principle of the exchange of their refpective commodities. He faw no objection to this, because he perceived and felt that our fuperiority in the tariff was manifeft. The excellence of our manufactures was unrivalled, and in the operation must give the balance to England. But it was faid, that the manufacturers dreaded the continuance of this fuperiority. They were alarmed at the idea of a competition with Ireland, and confequently they must be more under apprehenfions at the idea of a rivalry with France. He always did think, and he muft ftill continue to think, that the opinions of the manufacturers on this point were erroneous. They raised the clamour in respect to Ireland chiefly, he imagined, because they perceived no certain and pofitive advantage by the intercourse to counterbalance this precarious and uncertain evil. In this inftance, their confent to the treaty did not proceed from a blind acquiefcence, for they never would be blind to their intereft; but now that they faw fo certain and fo valuable an advantage to be reaped, the benefits being no longer doubtful, they were willing to hazard the probability of the injury. Again, he must say, that when gentlemen coupled this with the Irish Propofitions, they talked without reflection. He wifhed them to be coupled; for did gentlemen recollect, that in that negociation it was the other party who found the fyftem difadvantageous.

Some gentlemen thought proper to contend, that no beneficial treaty could be formed between this country and France, because no fuch treaty had ever been formed, and

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because, on the contrary, commercial intercourses with her had always been injurious to England. This reasoning was completely fallacious, though it founded largely. For in the first place, we had, during a very long feries of years, experienced a commercial connection with France, and could not therefore form any rational eftimate of its merits; and, fecondly, though it might be true that a commercial intercourfe founded on the treaty of Utrecht would have been injurious, it did not follow that this would prove the fame; for at that time the manufactures, in which we now excelled, had hardly exiftence, but were on the fide of France inftead of being against her. The tariff did not then, as now, comprehend all the articles in which we comparatively excelled, but in addition to the produce of France, which at all periods must be the fame, fhe had the balance of manufactures alfo in her favour. At that period alfo the prejudices of our manufacturers against France were in their rage, and correfponded with the party violence of the day in the reprobation of the meafure; but fo far was the Parliament from entertaining the opinion of no treaty being otherwise than detrimental, which could be made with France, that they went up with an addrefs to Her Majefty, praying Her to renew commercial negociations with the Court of France. It was not correctly stated neither that we had invariably confidered it as our policy to refif all connection with France. She had been more jealous of us than we of herProhibitions began on the part of France, and we only retaliated in our own defence. These parts of his fubject, he felt it difficult to drop, without again adverting to the effect of this treaty on our revenue, which would almost exceed credibility, though it would caufe an average reduction of gol. per cent. in every article in our book of rates; on French wines the reduction would be 10,000l. per annum; on Portugal wines, 170,000l. fhould the Methuen treaty be continued; and, on brandy, a reduction of 20,000l. The furrender of revenue for great commercial purposes was a policy by no means unknown in the hiftory of Great Britain, but here we enjoyed the extraordinary advantage of having them returned to us in a three-fold rate, by extending and legalizing the importation of the articles. When it was confidered that the increase muft exceed the conceffion which we made, it would no longer be an argument that we cannot afford this reduction. Increase by means of reduction, he was obliged to confefs, appeared once a paradox, but experience had now convinced us that it was more than practicable.

The fimple queftion for the Committee to confider, was, Whether, if the fituation of the two countries was changed

in its relative afpect; if it was true, that at the treaty of Utrecht we had but little to fend to France, and that we had now much to fend them; that our manufactures were fo confeffedly fuperior as to dread no competition, and greatly to counterbalance the natural produce of France we ought not to enter into the treaty; or whether there was not fome prepofterous and infcrutable, as well as fixed and eternal fomething between the two countries which must prevent them from ever forming any connection, or cherishing any fpecies of amity? Having decided on this point, the next bufinefs of the Committee was to fee how far this treaty would affect their commercial treaties with other powers. This naturally led him to Portugal; and he must positively affirm, that there was nothing which prevented them from complying fully with the conditions of the Methuen treaty, if the British Legislature fhould find it right, by the conduct of Portugal, to maintain the full force of that treaty. By enlarging their market for wine, they neither infringed on the markets of Portugal nor of Spain. It was not pretended even that the treaty could affect their connection with any other powers.

Mr. Pitt contended, that it was not more neceffary to view the effects of the treaty in its commercial operation, than as it might have an influence on the revenue. There would undoubtedly be a very confiderable reduction of duties. It was a queftion, however, whether this reduction would be attended with a proportionate lofs to the revenue. On the fubject of wines, it was certain that this reduction would not fo operate; for if the Methuen treaty was to be preferved, and he certainly thought that nothing but the conduct of Portugal could make us harbour the idea of putting an end to it, there must be a defalcation from the fubfifting duties on wine to the amount of 160 or 170,000l. a year. On brandy there must also be a lofs, though a very fmall one, confidering the probable increase of the legal importation—but there might be a diminution of the revenue to the amount of 20,000l. Taking this evil at the worst, a furrender of revenue for great commercial purposes was not contradictory to found policy, nor to established practice. It was happy for the nation that this defalcation would make no difference, because it did not interfere with the plan of applying the furplus of the revenue to the payment of the debt..

Previous to an examination of the treaty in its political afpect, he begged leave to trespass upon the patience of the Houfe, whilft he adverted to the report made to the General Chamber of Manufacturers; a report, which would now form a part of his fpeech; but, however, he fhould be forry

and