I

The right honourable gentleman not only admits but triumphs in the novelty of the meafure. He expressly allows that it militates against many antient prejudices. Sir, this very language ought to guard us against the conclufion into which it endeavours to hurry us. Let us paufe a moment, before we determine, that novelty and improvement, of neceffity, go together, or that every thing, which is antient in the fentiments of our country, must therefore be abfurd. It has been faid, that the wifdom of a nation is expreffed in its proverbs. One of the oldeft in our language fays, that evil communication corrupts good manners. do not mean to apply it to the right honourable gentleman; far be it from me to say that his manners are within the reach of corruption; though I cannot help thinking that his conduct in this bufinefs partakes of the levity and precipitation of his new friends and favourite nation, which perhaps may have infected him. Eodem animo in confilium, quo in pugnam ruunt. I hope the right honourable gentleman's eagerness to learn French will not make him forget his English, that, while he imports the wit and genius of France, he will not prohibit or discourage the use of English common fenfe. My ferious opinion and deliberate conviction is, that the nearer the two nations are drawn into contact, and the more fuccefsfully they are invited to mingle and to blend with one another, in the fame proportion, the remaining morals, principles, and vigour of the national English mind, will be enervated and corrupted. We fhall be civilized out of our virtues, and polifhed out of our character. He, whofe ultimate purpose is to enflave a free people, always begins by endeavouring to corrupt them; and whether it be his purpose or not, the road he follows can lead to no other object.

But we are told, that one merit of the prefent measure is, that it militates against many antient prejudices. Now, fuppofing the opinions in queftion did really deserve that name, is it clear, that it would therefore be fafe or prudent to eradicate fuch opinions? The judgement of a nation appears in its proverbs; the virtues, and poftibly the vices of a nation, appear in its prejudices. To cure a whole people of their prejudices is to efface their diftinct character. There is no fuch thing in exiftence as a moral or immoral nation. The national mind is formed by circumftances external to it, not upon the internal principles. The French and English, we fay, are natural enemies; not because there is any natural antipathy between them. On the contrary, no people agree better in private life. It is their relative pofition, their vicinity to each other, that furnishes a perpetual fource of difpute, that makes them rivals in peace, as well as enemies in war. Nations which border on each other never can

thoroughly agree; for this fingle reafon, because they are neighbours. All history and experience affure us of the fact. If their respective power be very unequal, that very inequality is another fource of enmity. One of them will always be formidable, the other will always be fufpicious. As long as the Scotch and English stood in the relation of neighbours to each other, how was it poffible they fhould agree? That cause of oppofition ceafed at their union, and now, instead of mortal enemies, I truft in God they are immortal friends. With refpect to the French, if peace can be preserved between us on terms of honour and fecurity to England, who is there fo mad or wicked as to refuse it? But take care that the peace be armed. As to an alliance or intimate union between the cabinets of a defpotic and of a limited monarchy, it is not antipathy, it is not prejudice; it is the policy, it is the wisdom, it is the experience of England, which ever have and for ever fhould deter us from accepting it. I need not look back to the days of Agincourt and Creffy, for neither could causes fo remote have operated fo long, nor is a battle between hoftile nations any more than a duel between individuals, a motive for hating each other. The battle and the duel rather act as a crifis, which kills the parties, or cures the disease. It has been the deliberate policy, not the paffion, of England, in all times, but thofe of the House of Stuart, to prefer the friendship of any diftant nation to that of France. Lord Herbert's life of Henry the Eighth furnishes a moft remarkable paffage in point. He fays, "The King's Council thought fit to advise with him concerning "marriage, about which many propofitions being made, the "graver fort told him, that the fame reafons which made "his wife father chufe to match with Spain were in force "ftill that his pretences being on France, no alliance could "be ufeful on that part. Befides, that betwixt great eftates "adjacent to one another, fuch jealoufies use to rife, that "they make peace fometimes, but never friendship. The "leagues and confederacies have in them the nature of har"monial accords, which jar in the second, but agree in the "third interval; therefore that he fhould match with Spain, "or at leaft with fome Prince that might join with him, "when there fhould be queftion of oppofing France, which, "fince that late union of the Dukedom of Bretagne, he was "to confider as a potent and dangerous neighbour."

Such to this day has been the true English principle of English Councils. But now it feems we are arrived at a new enlightened æra of affection for our neighbours, and of liberality to our enemies, of which our uninftructed ancestors had no conception. The pomp of modern eloquence is employed to blaft even the triumphs of Lord Chatham's Admi

niftration.

niftration. The polemic laurels of the father muft yield to the pacific myrtles which fhadow the forehead of the fon. Sir, the firft and moft prominent feature in the political character of Lord Chatham was antigalican. His glory is founded on the refiftance he made to the united power of the House of Bourbon. The prefent Minifter has taken the oppofite road to fame; and France, the object of every hoftile principle in the policy of Lord Chatham, is the gens amiciffima of his fon.

Sir, if nothing more were intended than what is avowed, and admitting that there may be no fecret compact between the two Cabinets, an intimate union with France muft always be disgraceful and degrading to England. From the common difcourfes of the French, you may collect what their views and expectations are from fuch an alliance, Their conftant language, wherever an Englishman can hear it, is invariably to this effect; let France and England unite, and let us govern the world. For fuch a purpose, undoubtedly, the force of this country would be a powerful weapon in the hands of France; but in fuch a connec tion let us previously confider what is likely to be our station. When they talk of contracting a marriage between the two nations, if you afk them which of the two is to be husband, their invariable anfwer is, Why, certainly France. To us the queftion is infinitely more ferious than any thing which concerns mere rank or precedence. The reflections which belong to it are too obvious to require explanation, and too hazardous to be expreffed. There may be a ftrict union between the two crowns, though never between the two nations; and that union, at some future period, may be fatal to the liberty of Great Britain. If the prefent impatience of the House would permit me, it would be fuperfluous to fay more.

Mr. Flood faid, that he should only trouble the Commit tee with a word or two. He had prefented himself to the Chair as foon as the right honourable Chancellor of the Exchequer fat down, but after the honourable gentleman, who spoke next, had been heard, he wifhed to wait till the fplendour of his eloquence had vanifhed from their fight. At that moment the Committee were fo fatigued and exhausted as well as himself, that he was as incapable of speak. ing as they must be unwilling to liften. It was his intention, however, in the beft manner he was able, to endeavour to defcribe the principles on which this decifion would hinge, but as there would be another opportunity of doing that, and the queftion then before the Committee was, that the Chairman leave the Chair," he would content VOL. XXI,

Dd

himfelf

Mr. Powys.

Mr. Ald.
Watfon.

Mr. Baring

himself for the prefent, with giving his vote for that que tion.

Mr. Powys obferved, that the right honourable the Chan cellor of Exchequer had been pleased to affert, that the treaty would prove a vast extenfion of the national revenue If thofe allegations could be fully and fairly made out, h was perfuaded, that the right honourable gentleman de ferved the thanks of his country for his good intentions, and his very important fervices. With regard to the hazard we had ran in fuch an intercourfe, he faw no great risk, except in two articles, in glass and in cottons. The glass manufactory, he conceived, would be utterly annihilated by the treaty; and he greatly doubted whether the cotton manufac tory would not be injured confiderably. The refolution that had been moved, he looked upon as conclufive, and binding upon the Committee if they agreed to it, and the right honourable gentleman had fairly told them (for he had taken down his words) that he neither defired nor expected any gentleman to vote for the refolutions, unless he thought that the treaty proceeded on a fafe principle, and that it would be highly advantageous for the country. To the latter he was not yet prepared to fpeak, and as to the fafety of it, he was far from thinking it fafe, therefore he fhould vote for the Chairman to report a progrefs.

Mr. Alderman Watfon faid his duty obliged him not to give a filent vote; he therefore defired the Chairman to read the queftion.

Mr. Beaufoy ftated, that the queftion he was to put, was, "That he do leave the Chair."

Mr. Alderman Watfon answered, that he had nothing to fay upon that question.

Mr. Baring remarked, that the commercial treaty, as far as his contemplation upon it enabled him to speak, appeared to have its advantages and its difadvantages. In fome articles it would prove beneficial, in others the reverse; but, upon the whole, commercially confidered, he thought it greatly in our favour. He wifhed to fay a word or two refpecting the Methuen treaty, which he had long been in the habit of confidering, and had always regarded in a light different from that in which he had heard it mentioned in that Houfe. He confidered the Methuen treaty as a commercial boon given by Portugal to this country for political pur pofes. Our taking the wine of Portugal, therefore, was out of the queftion. With regard to the fifh, that was a feparate and diftinct affair, established and adjufted long before the treaty of Utrecht, but Portugal could fupply herfelf elsewhere. She might fupply herfelf from France. As to her wines, it had been afferted that Portugal would profit

by

by rooting up all her vineyards and sowing wheat, of which latter fhe imports annually a confiderable quantity. Our taking port wine of Portugal, therefore, was not of the confideration that fome gentlemen feemed to imagine.

The Committee divided on the queftion, "That the "Chairman leave the chair," Ayes, 118-Noes, 152.The main queftion was then put, Ayes, 258-Noes, 118.

The following Papers were prefented to the Houfe.

An account of the stock of wine in the poffeffion of dealers, on the 5th of July, and the 29th of November, 1786, refpectively; and alfe of wine imported and confumed within faid period.

FRENCH.

1,941,661 1,154,907 1,206,098 587,305 Tons. Gal. Tons. Gal. 47,86 26 3330 145 D. PAPILLON, A. LUCAS, WM. BURRELL, ST. BROOKSBANK, M. WHISH,

H. REVELEY.

R. WARING, Accomptant.