great source of military strength, than to her territories. The blow aimed at her recoils upon yourselves. But the exasperations which must result from the wrongs mutually inflicted in the course of the campaign, may have a very inju rious effect upon the disposition to pursue pacific efforts. They will be apt to create a temper on each side, unfavorable to an amicable arrangement. In truth, too, sir, you are not prepared for such a campaign, as in honor and humanity you can alone permit yourselves to carry on. Suppose by the month of May or June you raise your men-what are they? Soldiers, fitted to take care of themselves in camp, and support the reputation of your arms in the field? No-they are a mere rabble of raw recruits. March them to Canada, and pestilence will sweep them off by regiments and brigades-while the want of discipline will unfit those whom pestilence spares for an honorable contest with an experienced foe. Instead, therefore, of the hurry and bustle of filling your ranks with recruits, and rushing with them into Canada, attend rather to the training and im terests, I know that they could, and believe many of them would, make the effort. Painful as may be the acknowledgment of political error, yet, if they clearly saw that either this humiliation must be endured, or the nation ruined, they could not hesitate in their choice between such alternatives. But, sir, I wish not to present such alternatives to their election. So difficult is it to produce a conviction, against which the pride of our heart rebels, that I will not attempt it. Gentlemen are not called on to retract. They may now suspend the execution of their scheme of invasion, without an acknowledgment of its error. They may now, without humiliation, restrict themselves to defence, although the war was in its origin offensive. A second favorable opportunity is presented of restoring tranquillity to our once happy country: the first, the revocation of the orders in council, was suffered to pass unimproved. Let not this be lost-a third may not shortly occur. Your enemy has invited a direct negotiation for the restoration of peace. Your executive has accepted the offer, and ministers have been appointed to meet the commissioners of the oppo-provement of those now in service. Make solsite party. This circumstance ought to produce an entire and essential change in your policy. If the executive be sincere in the acceptance of this proposition, he must have acted on the hope that an amicable adjustment of differences might be made. And while there is such a hope, such a prospect, on what principle can you justify invasion and conquest? Force is the substitute, not the legitimate coadjutor of negotiation: nations fight because they cannot treat. Every benevolent feeling and correct principle is opposed to an effusion of blood, and an extension of misery, which are hoped to be unnecessary. 'Tis necessity alone which furnishes their excuse: do not, then, at the moment when you avow a belief, a hope at least, that such necessity exists not, pursue a conduct which, but for its existence, is inhuman and detestable. Besides, sir, if you are earnest in the wish to obtain peace from the Gottenburg mission, suspend in the mean time offensive operations, which cannot facilitate, and may prevent the accomplishment of your object. Think you that Britain is to be intimidated by your menaced invasion of her territories? If she had not learned by experience how harmless are your threats, she would nevertheless see but little cause for fear. She knows that the conquest cannot be completed in one, nor in two campaigns. And when she finds that every soldier whom you enlist is to cost you in bounty alone upwards of 100 guineas,* she will perceive that the war is more destructive to your finance, the * 1 he bounty to each soldier was one hundred and twentyfour dollars, cash, and one hundred and sixty acres of land, which, at two dollars per acre, was three hundred and twenty dollars—in all, four hundred and forty-four dollars, besides the eight dollars per man to the recruiting agent. diers of them-by gradual enlistments you may regularly add to their number, and insensibly incorporate the new levies with the disciplined troops. If it should hereafter become necessary to march into the field, you will then have an army under your command, not a multitude without subordination. Suspend, therefore, hostilities while you negotiate. Make an armistice until the result of the negotiation is ascertained. You can lose nothing-you may gain every thing by such a course. Then negotiate fairly, with a view to obtain for your native seamen a practical and reasonable security against impressment-and with a disposition to aid Britain in commanding the services of her own. Such an arrangement might have been made on the revocation of the orders in council, could you have been then satisfied with any thing short of an abandonment of the British claim to search. I doubt not but that it may now be made-more you probably cannot obtain. The time may come when, with greater effect, you can prefer, if necessary, higher claims. All is hazarded by precipitately urging more than your relative strength enables you to enforce. Permit your country to grow-let no just right be abandoned. If any be postponed, it may be advanced at a more opportune season, with better prospect of success. If you will quit this crusade against Canada, and seek peace in the spirit of accommodation-and (permit me to add) if you will forego your empiric schemes of embargo and commercial restrictions-you will restore harmony at home, and allay that widespread, and in some places alarming spirit of discontent that prevails in our land. And if your pacific efforts fail, if an obstinate and implacable foe will not agree to such a peace as the country can with credit accept, then appeal to the candor and spirit of your people for a constitutional support, with a full assurance that such an appeal, under such circumstances, | party, wherever found, never will meet with cannot be made in vain. an advocate in me. It is a most calamitous It is time, Mr. Chairman, that I should re-scourge to our country-the bane of social enlease you from the fatigue of hearing me. joyment, of individual justice, and of public There is but one more topic to which I solicit virtue-unfriendly to the best pursuits of man, your attention. Many admonitions have been his interest and his duty-it renders useless, addressed to the minority, by gentlemen on the even pernicious, the highest endowments of inministerial side of this House, not without tellect, and the noblest dispositions of the soul merit, and I hope not without edification, on But, sir, whatever may be the evils necessarily the evils of violent opposition and intemperate inherent in its nature, its ravages are then most party spirit. It is not to be denied that oppo- enormous and desolating when it is seated on sition may exceed all reasonable bounds and a the throne of power, and vested with all the minority become factious. But when I hear it attributes of rule. I mean not to follow the seriously urged that the nature of our govern- gentleman from South Carolina over the classie ment forbids that firm, manly, active opposi- ground of Greece, Carthage, and Rome, to retion, which in countries less free is salutary and fute his theory, and show that not to vehement necessary, and when I perceive all the dangers opposition, but to the abuse of factious and inof faction apprehended only on the side of a tolerant power their doom is to be attributed. minority, I witness but new instances of that Nor will I examine some more modern instanwonderful ductility of the human mind, which, ces of republics whose destruction has the same in its zeal to effect a favorite purpose, begins origin. The thing is no longer matter of discuswith the work of self-deception. Why, sir, sion. It has passed into a settled truth in the will not our form of government tolerate or science of political philosophy. One who on require the same ardor of constitutional oppo- a question of historical deduction, of political sition, which is desirable in one wherein the "theory," is entitled to high respect, has given chief magistrate is hereditary? "Because," us an admirable summary of the experience of says the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. republics on this interesting inquiry. In the Calhoun,) in a monarchy the influence of the tenth number of the Federalist, written by Mr. executive and his ministers requires continual Madison, we find the following apt and judivigilance, lest it obtain too great a preponder- cious observations:-"By a faction, I underance; but here the executive springs from the stand a number of citizens whether amounting people, can do nothing without their support, to a majority or minority of the whole, who and cannot, therefore, overrule and control the are united and actuated by some common impublic sentiment." Sir, let us not stop at the pulse of passion or of interest adverse to the surface of things. The influence of the execu- rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and tive in this country, while he retains his aggregate interests of the community." popularity, is infinitely greater than that of a The inference to which we are brought is, limited monarch. It is as much stronger as the that the "causes" of faction cannot be removed; spasm of convulsion is more violent than the and that relief is only to be sought in the means voluntary tension of a muscle. The warmth of controlling its "effects." If a faction conof feeling excited during the contest of an elec- sists of less than a majority, relief is supplier tion, and the natural zeal to uphold him whom by the republican principle which enables the they have chosen, create, between the execu- majority to defeat its sinister views by regular tive and his adherents, a connection of " pas- vote. It may clog the administration, it may sion"--while the distribution of office and convulse the society, but it will be unable to exemolument adds a communion of "interest"-ecute and mask its violence under the forms of which combined, produce & union almost indissoluble. "Support the administration" becomes a watch-word, which passes from each chieftain of the dominant party to his subalterns, and thence to their followers in the ranks, till the President's opinion becomes the criterion of orthodoxy, and his notions obtain a dominion over the public sentiment, which facilitates the most dangerous encroachments, and demands the most jealous supervision. In proportion as a government is free, the spirit of bold inquiry, of animated interest in its measures, and of firm opposition where they are not approved, becomes essential to its purity and continuance. And he who in a democracy or republic attempts to control the will of the popular idol of the day, may envy the luxurious ease with which ministerial oppressions are opposed and thwarted in governments which are less free. Intemperance of the constitution. "When a majority is included in a faction, the form of popular government on the other hand enables it to sacrifice to its ruling passion or interest, both the public good, and the rights of other citizens. To secure the public good and private rights against the dangers of such a faction, and at the same time to preserve the spirit and the form of popular government, is then the great object to which our inquiries are directed. Let me add that it is the great desideratum by which alone this form of government can be rescued from the opprobrium under which it has so long labored, and be recommended to the esteem and adoption of mankind." If this doctrine were then to be collected from the history of the world, can it now be doubted since the experience of the last twentyfive years? Go to France, once revolutionary, now Imperial France, and ask her whether, factious power, or intemperate opposition, be the more fatal to freedom and happiness? Perhaps at some moment when the eagle eye of her master is turned away, she may whisper to you to behold the demolition of Lyons, or the devastation of La Vendee. Perhaps she will give you a written answer: Draw near to the once fatal lamp-post, and by its flickering light, read it as traced in characters of blood that flowed from the guillotine. "Faction is a demon! Faction out of power, is a demon enchained! Faction, vested with the attributes of rule, is a Moloch of destruction!" your anger or your weakness, and are sure to generate a spirit of "moral resistance" not easily to be checked or tamed. Give to presidential views constitutional respect, but suffer them not to supercede the exercise of independent inquiry. Encourage instead of suppressing fair discussion, so that those who approve may not at least have a respectful hearing. Thus, without derogating a particle from the energy of your measures, you would impart a tone to political dissensions which would deprive them of their acrimony, and render them harmless to the nation. The nominal party distinctions, sir, have beSir, if the denunciations which gentlemen come mere cabalistic terms. It is no longer a have pronounced against factious violence, are question whether according to the theory of not merely the images of rhetoric pomp-if our constitution, there is more danger of the they are, indeed, solicitous to mitigate the ran- federal encroaching on the State Governments, cor of party feuds-in the sincerity of my or the democracy of the State Governments soul I wish them success. It is melancholy to paralyzing the arm of federal power-Federalism behold the miserable jealousies and malignant and democracy have lost their meaning. It is suspicions which so extensively prevail, to the now a question of commerce, peace, and union destruction of social comfort, and the imminent of the States. On this question, unless the honperil of the republic. On this subject I have esty and intelligence of the nation shall confedreflected much, not merely in the intervals sto- erate into one great American party, disdaining len from the bustle of business, or the gaieties petty office-keeping and office-hunting views, of amusement, but in the moments of "depres-defying alike the insolence of the popular prints, sion and solitude," the most favorable to the the prejudices of faction, and the dominion of correction of error. For one I am willing to executive influence-I fear a decision will be bring a portion of party feeling and party pre- pronounced fatal to the hopes, to the existence judice, as an oblation at the shrine of my coun- of the nation. In this question I assuredly have try. But no offering can avail any thing if not a very deep interest-but it is the interest of a made on the part of those who are the political citizen only. My public career I hope will not favorites of the day. On them it is incumbent continue long. Should it please the Disposer of to come forward and set the magnanimous ex- events to permit me to see the great interests ample. Approaches or concessions on the side of this nation confided to men who will secure of the minority would be misconstrued into in- its rights by firmness, moderation and impardications of timidity or of a hankering for tiality abroad, and at home cultivate the arts of favor. But a spirit of conciliation arising from peace, encourage honest industry in all its "those ranks" would be hailed as the harbin- branches, dispense equal justice to all classes of ger of sunny days, as a challenge to liberality, the community, and thus administer the governand to a generous contention for the public ment in the true spirit of the constitution, as a weal. This spirit requires not any departure trust for the people, not as the property of a from deliberate opinion, unless it is shown to party, it will be to me utterly unimportant by be erroneous-such a concession would be a what political epithet they may be characterdereliction of duty. Its injunctions would be ized. As a private citizen grateful for the blessbut few, and it is to be hoped not difficult of ings I may enjoy, and yielding a prompt obeobservance. Seek to uphold your measures by dience to every legitimate demand that can be the force of argument, not of denunciation. made upon me, I shall rejoice, as far as my litStigmatize not opposition to your notions with tle sphere may extend, to foster the same dispooffensive epithets. These prove nothing but I sitions among those who surround me. AN EXTRACT.* Sir, I am opposed, out and out, to any inter- | on religious subjects. The good order of socieference of the State with the opinions of its citizens, and more especially with their opinions * From Mr. Gaston's speech on the "thirty second article," in the North Carolina Convention, called to amend he State Constitution. ty requires that actions and practices injurious to the public peace and public morality, should be restrained, and but a moderate portion of practical good sense is required to enable the proper authorities to decide what conduct is really thus injurious. But to decide on the Hope-invigorated by Charity-looking for its rewards in a world beyond the grave-it is of Heaven, heavenly. The evidence upon which it is founded, and the sanctions by which it is upheld, are addressed solely to the understanding and the purified affections. Even IIe, from whom cometh every pure and perfect gift, and to whom religion is directed as its author, its truth or error, on the salutary or pernicious is on religion. Born of Faith-nurtured by consequences of opinions, requires a skill in dialectics, a keenness of discernment, a forecast and comprehension of mind, and above all, an exemption from bias, which do not ordinarily belong to human tribunals. The preconceived opinions of him, who is appointed to try, become the standard by which the opinions of others are measured, and as these correspond with, or differ from his own, they are pronounc-end, and its exceedingly great reward, imposes ed true or false, salutary or pernicious. Let the no coercion on His children. They believe, or Arminian pass on the doctrines of the high Cal- doubt, or reject, according to the impressions vinist, and he will have no hesitation in brand- which the testimony of revealed truth makes ing them as utterly destructive of the distinc- upon their minds. He causes His sun to shine tions between right and wrong, and leading to alike on the believer and the unbeliever, and the subversion of all morality. Let the Cal- His dews to fertilize equally the soil of the orvinist determine on the soundness and the ten-thodox and the heretic. No earthly gains or dencies of the Arminian faith, and he will have little difficulty in arraigning it for blasphemy, as stripping the Almighty of his essential attributes, and setting up man as independent of God and needing not his grace. Law is the proper judge of action, and reward or punishment its proper sanction. Reason is the proper umpire of opinion, and argument and discussion its only fit advocates. To denounce opinions by law is as silly, and unfortunately much more tyrannical, as it would be to punish crime by logic. Law calls out the force of the community to compel obedience to its mandates. To operate on opinion by law, is to enslave the define faith by Edicts, Statutes and Constitutions: intellect and oppress the soul-to reverse the deal out largesses to accelerate conviction, and order of nature, and make reason subservient to refute unbelief and heresy by the unanswerable force. But of all the attempts to arrogate un- logic of pains and penalties. Let not religion just dominion, none is so pernicious as the efforts be abused for this impious tyranny-religion has of tyrannical men to rule over the human con- nothing to do with it. Nothing can be conscience. Religion is exclusively an affair be- ceived more abhorrent from the spirit of true tween man and his God. If there be any sub-religion, than the hypocritical pretensions of ject upon which the interference of human Kings, Princes, Rulers and Magistrates. to up power is more forbidden, than on all others, it hold her holy cause by their unholy violenca temporal privations are to influence their judg ment here, and it is reserved until the last day, for the just Judge of all the Earth to declare who have criminally refused to examine or to credit the evidences which were laid before them. But civil rulers thrust themselves in and become God's avengers. Under a pretended zeal for the honor of His house, and the propagation of His Revelation, Snatch from His hand the balance and the rod; |