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VI.

1863.

“All hail the land where Freedom dwells, and lifts her starry shield!
Here gaze all nations, bond and free this is their battle-field!
Humanity and Liberty throughout the struggling world,

Proclaim her cause their own, and cry, Our Flag shall stay unfurled !
Our Flag shall stay unfurled!

Our Flag shall stay unfurled!

Though Freedom's foes may plot her death,

Yet while a patriot holds his breath,

Our Flag shall stay unfurled!”

WEISHAMPEL.

P to this time there had been but slow progress made

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by our armies, though the expenditure, both of blood and treasure, had been very great. The hopes of the insurgents were still confident, and our forces had sustained enough repulses to seriously discourage the people. Now opened the year, which was the test one of the conflict. It opened well, for it chronicled the fact, that liberty to all was now for the first time inscribed upon our national ban

ners.

The campaign commenced with great vigor in the West, under General Grant, and by the middle of summer Vicksburg had fallen before his persevering skill and valor, and soon after, Port Hudson surrendered to General Banks, thus securing for our possession the great river of the continent, and thereby severing in twain the territory of the Confederacy. About the same time in the East, the gallant Poto

mac Army endured another defeat under Hooker at Chancellorsville, which led to the bold advance of Lee into Pennsylvania, he venturing to assume again the offensive. The command of our troops was transferred to General Meade, who met the enemy at Gettysburg, and fought him, in a most obstinate and bloody battle, lasting three days, at the end of which our army remained in possession of the field, having inflicted so damaging a defeat on the rebels, that they were compelled to retreat. The tidings of this victory were announced to the country July fourth, which, with the brilliant triumphs of our arms in the West, added new fervor to the popular celebration peculiar to that day. Modestly and reverently Mr. Lincoln anticipated the fuller telegraphic news, which was published on the morning of our national holiday by issuing the following bulletin: "The President of the United States announces to the country, that the news from the army of the Potomac, up to ten P. M. of the third, is such as to cover the army with the highest honor, to promise great success to the cause of the Union, and to claim the condolence of all for the many gallant fallen; and that for this, he especially desires that on this day, He whose will, not ours, should be done,' be everywhere remembered, and reverenced with the profoundest gratitude."

A few weeks had effected a complete change in the condition of affairs. In a little more than a month's time, through the numbers killed, wounded, or taken prisoners, over eighty thousand men were lost to the rebel armies. Our losses had been heavy, but the substantial victories gained, inspirited the whole nation, and revived public confidence at home and abroad in the ultimate success of the Union cause. President Lincoln, in view of the recent events, which reflected such lustre upon our arms, appointed August sixth as a day for national thanksgiving, praise, and prayer,

inviting "the people of the United States to assemble on that occasion in their customary places of worship, and in the forms approved by their own conscience, render the homage due to the Divine Majesty for the wonderful things He has done in the nation's behalf, and invoke the influence of his Holy Spirit to subdue the anger which has produced, and so long sustained a needless and cruel rebellion; and to change the hearts of the insurgents, to guide the counsels of the government with wisdom adequate to so great a national emergency, and to visit with tender care and consolation throughout the length and breadth of our land, all those who, through the vicissitudes of marches, voyages, battles, and sieges, have been brought to suffer in mind, body, or estate, and family; to lead the whole nation, through paths of repentance, and submission to the Divine Will, back to the perfect enjoyment of Union and fraternal peace."

About the same time appeared the following, from the rebel authorities, which shows how the recent successes by our armies affected them: "Now, therefore, I, Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States of America, do by virtue of the powers vested in me as aforesaid, call out and place in the military service of the Confederate States, all white men, residents of said States, between the ages of eighteen and forty-five years, and not legally exempted from military service; and I do hereby order and direct that all persons subject to this call, and not now in the military service, do upon being enrolled, forthwith repair to the conscript camp established in the respective States of which they may be residents, under pain of being held and punished as deserters, in the event of their failure to obey this call, as provided in said laws."

This was decidedly a short metre process, as compared with our enrollment system, of which we have yet to speak.

It was coercive to an extent, that only the desperate straits to which the rebels were reduced, can explain. Little else was left a white citizen in the South to do, but to consult the family register, ascertain whether he was of the unfortunate age, if so, to kiss his wife, and, with a supply of corncake sufficient to last him on his compulsory journey, “repair to the conscript camp."

This conscription bill of the Confederate Congress was passed in March, 1862. Nearly a year later, Senator Wilson, Chairman of the Military Committee in the United States, reported a bill for the enrollment of all able-bodied citizens, between the ages of eighteen and forty-five years, black or white, making them liable to military duty at the call of the President. All drafted persons were allowed to furnish an acceptable substitute, or on payment of three hundred dollars be discharged from liability to military service.

Upon the passage by Congress of this every-way reasonable act, in which provision was made for exempting those whom it would be unjust or needlessly severe to subject to military duty, the President appointed Acting Assistant Provost-marshals-general for each State, and Provost-marshals for each Congressional District.

The bill divided the national forces into two general classes. The first comprised all persons subject to do military duty, between the ages of twenty and thirty five; all unmarried persons above the age of thirty-five, and under the age of forty-five. These classes, by the enrolling officers were kept separate, and in the Adjutants' reports are divided, as if distinct. The second general class comprised all other persons liable to do military duty; and these last were not to be called out until those first subject to duty had been called into service.

On July first, 1863, it was ordered by the War Depart

ment, that draft should be made from the enrolled militia of the first class, and fifty per centum in addition to the quota called for should be drafted to cover exemptions. The enrollment for this (the Third) District, showed that there were in First Class, 7,848; Second Class, 4,052; Third Class, 3,763; total, 15,663. Captain I. H. Bromley was appointed Provost-marshal. The enrolling officers under him, for Norwich, were Benjamin M. Leavens and Joseph T. Thurston. The quota of the State was fixed at seven thousand six hundred and ninety-two (7,692), the total number to be drafted (being the quota and an additional fifty per centum), eleven thousand five hundred and thirty-nine (11,539). The quota of the District was fifteen hundred and sixty-nine, which, with addition prescribed, amounted to two thousand three hundred and fifty-four. There was great opposition to the draft in many parts of the country, culminating in terrible mobs in New York, Boston, and other cities.

The riot in New York was one of unprecedented boldness and barbarity, and raged from July thirteenth through the three succeeding days. The most revolting feature was the uniform maltreatment to which the harmless, affrighted colored people of the city were subjected. This outburst of ruffianism, thoroughly wicked and unjustifiable, originated in the sympathy there was with the rebels, and was aided by the public utterances of men of doubtful loyalty, "who detested every form of coercion, save the coercion of the Republic by the rebels." The rioters were effectually put down, when the absent troops could be called in, and the blandly saluted "friends" of Governor Seymour were taught, to their bitter cost, that the government was not to be obstructed in the measures it legally adopted for the suppression of the rebellion. There were threats of similar violence in Connecticut, and secret meetings of the so-called

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