for work the winter before last, and even today the aggregate of unavoidably out of work runs into hundreds of thousands.

In Europe where the question is admittedly more acute than here it has at last been grappled with by the governments. It is realized that the mechanic is the prop and stay of a nation. Without him its industries must languish; its life blood be sapped. Therefore the workman must be protected; he must be tided over those periods when industrial depression compels him to lay down his tools and wait for better times. And the European powers are tackling the problem in an earnest manner. "If we don't look after our children when they are thrown out of work, they will simply go to other countries where work is to be found, leaving us the work-shies, incompetent, and hoboes" trenchantly stated one authority in England a few weeks ago.

The result of agitation in England was the appointment of a royal commission to study the whole subject from every point of view, evolve ways and means of

counteracting its admitted evils, investigate the machinery and scope of the trade unions in their efforts to mitigate its influences, and ascertain how various powers on the continent of Europe dealt with the matter. So exhaustive were these investigations that two years were occupied in threshing out the task and the compilation of a full report upon the whole topic.

In the course of these investigations some surprise was created at the extent of the work of the trade unions in this field of social reform. It was found that one hundred trade unions in England paid in benefits to their members, who were deprived of employment, no less than $3,250,000 in a single year. This sum expended in relief represented sufficient to pay 36,000 members, practically four per cent of their total roll, $1.75 every week for twelve months. But 36,000 did not represent the actual number of unemployed members who were assisted in this manner. Far from it.

At times the total rose to a very

heavy figure, while at others it was less, because the number of men who were idle the whole year round was very small. The unions have celebrated a very workable and attractive scheme for mutual assistance in this direction. A member falls out of employment. For six months he receives a certain sum weekly, and for another six months a further contribution which is about half of that for the first half year. If a man secures

employment in the meantime, he must Occupy that post continually for a certain length of time before he can fall back again upon the funds of his association for unemployed relief. The sum of the commission's labors was that they came to the conclusion that the trade unions who were performing the most useful work in this field of relief, should be relieved

a small tax was imposed upon each citizen, whereas in the trade unions, the members had to bear the cost of such among themselves, and such imposed a supreme tax upon many of those members who were in employment.

The upshot of the deliberations is that the government proposes to introduce legislation in accordance with the recommen dations of the the commission. Precisely how it is to be framed or what form it will assume by the time the statute book is reached it is impossible to

state, but the framers have had the advantage of studying the various arrangements already in practice and can model the scheme in accordance with the best features of of each. Certain it is, however, that the government in deference to the urging of its advisers, will advocate the compulsory state-subsidized system, as the voluntary method has completely broken. down wherever it has been tried.

thereof, as it was a task that should be carried out by the state, seeing that the workpeople were the children of the state, and responsible for the country's welfare industrially and commercially. In this manner the evils attending unemployment would be lessened, as the expense of defraying the relief would be spread over the whole community, so that but

"If they adopted the voluntary system of unemployment insurance they were always exposed to this difficulty. The risk of unemployment varied so much between man and man, according to his

qualities, character, temperament, demeanor to his superiors, that a voluntary system of unemployment insurance which was state-subsidized always attracted those workers who were most likely to be unemployed. Voluntary systems accumulated a preponderance of unemployed fatal to its financial stability. On the other hand the compulsory system of insurance, which did not add to the contribution of the worker from outside had also broken down, because of the refusal of the higher class worker to assume unsupported the burden of the weaker members of the community.' In this statement Mr. Winston Churchill, the Home Secretary, cogently pointed out the disadvantages of the voluntary system.

There is, however, a powerful feeling against the scheme in any form. The malcontents urge that it is placing a premium on unemployment, and has a tendency to create paupers. Even some of the

the workman, so they also maintain. But under state control no such qualms need be entertained. Drastic measures will be formulated for dealing with the won'twork-at-any-price, and already labor colonies have been advocated for those worthies which so sully the reputation of the genuine working man.

When the municipally subsidized unemployment insurance scheme was inaugurated in the German city of Cologne a very effectual barrier was raised against the hobo. In the first place it was only restricted to the winter months, and unless the person thrown out of employment had resided for a year within the city, followed a definite trade, and had paid his subscriptions regularly for thirty-four weeks in the year, failed to qualify for any benefit. Then again if his premiums fell four weeks into arrears he also failed to receive any benefits. In this particular case the unemployed receives 50 cents a day

he

for the first twenty days of enforced idleness, followed by 25 cents a day for another twenty-eight days. He can only receive benefit therefore for a sixth of the year at the utmost. The scheme is admirably administered but its sphere of influence is so severely limited that the

idea is to be completely remodeled, as it imposes hardships where none were originally intended or suspected. In the process of overhaul it is being endeavored to place the arrangement on all fours with the scheme in vogue at Ghent in Belgium, and which is generally considered to be the most efficient system of voluntary unemployed insurance.

This scheme was formulated ten years ago, and it has so improved from year to year that it is generally regarded as the nearest approach to the ideal solution of the idea, that is upon voluntary lines that has yet been evolved. But the drawbacks incidental to voluntary assistance are just as accentuated in Ghent, as at all other places where it has been copied.

There is a management committee appointed by the municipality and the contribution is based upon a percentage of what the unemployed workman receives from his union, for the assistance is extended to him through the trade unions, so that the genuinely deserving may reap the real benefit. Just what this percent age shall be is determined once a month, and is governed by the determination of means and necessities, but in any case the assistance cannot exceed one hundred per cent of that afforded by the union, or nineteen cents per day per man. Such

may be paid for a maximum of sixty days in one year. Certain conditions are imposed to coincide with local requirements, but taken on the whole the system works smoothly-at least as much so as it is possible with a voluntary system.

The great difficulty in any insurance scheme is to determine whether the unemployment is due to any cause beyond the man's own control, and the decision of what is "suitable work" for a person in search of such. Certain specific rules must be laid down to govern these points in any rational state scheme. Such is admitted. But how can these points be decided? Well in this respect the British government have elaborated a safe and sure method with the newly opened labor exchanges, designed to bring employers in need of workmen in one part of the country into touch with mechanics looking for work and residing in another. James Robinson is thrown out of employment at Steeltown because parts of the works are closed down for lack of orders. Ironville, two or three hundred miles away, is humming with a glut of work, and a sufficient number of hands cannot be obtained locally. Now it is obvious that if Robinson could be transferred to Ironville he could set to work as there is an opening for him. This is

precisely what the labor exchanges do. Robinson after leaving his job at Steeltown goes to the labor exchanges in that town, and registers his name. He gives He gives full particulars concerning his qualifications which the officials enter up in as detailed a manner as if he were a prisoner entering a penitentiary. In return Robinson receives a ticket which is available for a certain period, at the lapse of which he must make another appearance. The employer at Ironville, looking for men, communicates with the labor exchange in Ironville, gives detailed particulars as to just what class of artizans he requires. These are circulated to labor exchanges in all other centers, among them Steeltown. Robinson is communicated with and is informed that he can get a job at such-and-such a wage at Ironville. He is willing to take it, but unfortunately has not the wherewithal to get to Ironville. The labor exchange provides the necessary, and he is transported to Ironville, repaying his advance for transportation charges from his wages in a certain period. In this effective manner employer and employee are brought into communication in every and any industry. There are no charges to either one side or the other, and the

state financial advances are made without interest.

By such means the government finds out exactly who are genuine unemployed and who are work-shies. Smith, also thrown out of work at Steeltown for the same reason as Robinson and in the same trade, has an equal opportunity to go to Ironville. He refuses to do so, preferring to kick his heels about Steeltown where there is no work and not likely to be for some time. He is living on the relief of his union, and at heart does not intend to work, if he can help it, for a time, preferring a holiday at someone else's expense, i. e. his union. In due course his ticket of registration at the labor exchange expires and he applies for a new one. the exchange the officials refer to his original docket, find that work was offered to him on such and such a date, why did he not take it? Smith hums and haws, but the official is inexorable. He wants a straight answer. Smith proffers an excuse. Very well we'll investigate, and the machinery is set in motion. Smith receives, in due course, intimation from his union that he is not playing the game, and further excuses proving abortive, he finds his union relief summarily

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