The answer to the imperialism illusion, is found in the peremptory declaration of the President, that our army is not to be enlarged in numbers, but increased in efficiency by special training, so that our military power may be multiplied by three, without augmentation of expenditure. The President has put his stamp of ardent, urgent progression upon the navy; and instead of telegrams that ironclads must not be risked, we shall have orders that our warships should be worn out with ceaseless activity and instead of resting and rusting in harbors shall roll in the stormy seas. A new theme of enormous interest shines from the message-it is to preserve the forests, purify the water, irrigate the arid lands. In the swiftly coming on Great Hereafter, our land and waters in the North American Continent will be the centre of the Earth.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

SUGGESTION OF OPPOSITION.

The Senate and Cabinet as Factors-Is a Senator a Boss, or a Secretary a Clerk?Anarchists Criticize Roosevelt-How to Make Them Harmless-Strength of Roosevelt's Position-His Denunciation of Dynamiters His Methods of Politic -Holds Friendship of the Disappointed-Some Sorrows of the Old GuardRepresentative Character of the President.

THE

HE natural expression of the opinion of the people of a country wh govern themselves, is in Administration and Opposition parties. Th division into those substantially for and against the Government, i the simplest form of the people's rule.

Party organizations, to have endurance beyond the terms of office of th chief functionaries, must, at least, begin with the formulation of principles Hence, party meetings, addresses, platforms. Parties through outliving term of official service, rise and fall. It is well if they appear and disappear, wit the new issues that become, in the popular name, "problems." The partie that endure longer than the organizers, must have purposes that take shape i policies.

President Roosevelt was speaking with the candor that is one of hi highest distinctions, when he took the oath of office as President, his purpos to carry out the McKinley policy. There was the note of complete sincerity i his invitation to the Cabinet officers to remain and not pass through ceremony of resignation.

There was wisdom in the clinching strength of the President's declarations They were from his heart and head. The country held him responsible however, knowing the basis of continuance of the lines drawn by the Presiden so horribly assassinated, was in the equal confidence in the candidates nom nated for President and Vice-President in the Philadelphia Convention. Th people were not unmindful of the agreement of the two men first in pre-eminen representative places in the Government, appearing in the Minneapolis speec of Roosevelt, September 2nd, and the Buffalo speech of McKinley, Septembe 5th. We name the utterances in the order of the time of delivery. The concer is the more striking because the Vice-President was three days before th

President, in the words that defined a common purpose, and there had been no communication between them looking to speaking with one voice.

That which happened within four months in two changes in the Cabinet, was not unexpected. The general policy of the Republican party was to be pursued. Still, great changes, not in principle, but in ways and means largely, were unavoidable, for the hands of the President must be free, within the obligations of the Constitution, or the indispensable characteristic individualities wanting. The executive office was not placed by the Fathers in the hands of a committee. A man is foremost and first, and the balances of power are the models of free institutions.

There has been, within recent years, perceptible growth in the functions of Senators, who have-if an expression borrowed from classification in colleges. may be applied-placed themselves in the Senior Class. The duty of the Senate to confirm appointments and treaties, has given Senators, by accretion of influence, a share in the appointing power; and the appearance of Senators at the White House, on errands other than pertaining to reformationrather to appointment and confirmation-have been frequently remarked. It was President McKinley's way to be courteous to all callers. He did not discriminate in a marked degree against those who distinguished themselves by misconstruction of his motives and misrepresentation of his policy. There is a keen self-appreciation by the Senators, and some were apprehensive of the coming of Roosevelt, and pained to think they might have to lead a "strenuous life" that would impair the calm they coveted. However, they found the severe decorum of the Vice-President, in the high chair of the representatives of the States reassuring.

There is another body that has had augmentation of consequence within the generation since the War of the States. It is the Cabinet. General Sherman, taking his place on the stand with President Johnson and his Cabinet, when, he had led the army of the West, that marched to the sea, from the Ohio, and then from Savannah to the Potomac, and across the long bridge, was passing the point of official review, declined to respond to the friendly salutation rendered by Secretary Stanton, on the ground that he did not feel like grasping the hand of a "clerk."

The development of the Senate and the Cabinet, is no more or less than evidence of the increase of the dimensions of the country and its weight in the world. There has been far more for the President to do within the last decade than ever before; and in the multiplicity and magnitude of details of business, the Administration of President McKinley has exceeded all precedent. Never before was it necessary for the attention of the President to be called to make so many decisions of moment-called often from bed in the middle of the night to hear news that he must act upon at once. Telegrams from all

parts of the country, and remote as well as near Nations, simplified but increased his discharge of responsibilities. As an example, study the archives in which tens of thousands of telegrams are found, as they were sent from and received by all the Departments and the squadrons and camps, noting continually the words that are last and count first are from the President, and how promptly they were rendered into orders.

The Cabinet, like the Senate, accept with general satisfaction a large and increasing responsibility. These words apply, not to Cabinet and Senate only, but to both Houses of Congress. The House directly representative of the people is more and more asserting itself, in executive responsibilities and the more carefully this is observed, the more clearly appear the realities of our representative form of Government.

In all Mr. Roosevelt's official positions, and expounded in his books and public addresses, are prominent, his views on all public questions, arisen within twenty years, distinguished by conspicuity before the country. They are notorious and met without faltering. His Administration as Governor is full of unmistakable messages and memoranda, speeches, addresses and records of official acts, touching, not tentatively but trenchantly, all the multitude of questions upon which the President is profoundly busied; and there is not a "problem" before the people, and will not be two years from this, that President Roosevelt has not written about so freely that what he thinks of the solution has been stated frequently and positively. There is hardly an issue that can come up during his Administration of the Presidential office, upon which his consistent course is not marked out in strong English, with no mental reservation, and his officially published papers. The highest testimonials of his fitness for the Presidency are found in his record as Governor.

The man of the few years and many experiences of President Roosevelt -his activity in meeting all responsibilities, his force of character that evolves leadership and broadens opportunity, his aptitude in finding out the vital points in executive decision-we may count without misgiving that Roosevelt will as President, keep pace with the progress of the country, and gain with the confidence of the people their affection.

The anarchists of America murdered the most kindly man of his time If their object in dooming McKinley to death was to make an impression by the slaughter of a man without enemies, the gentlest and most lovable of al rulers of men, they made no mistake in the selection of a victim. The murde was absolutely merciless. That in itself is the challenging warning the Republic has received. The President mortally wounded forgave the assassin and was comforted, as he died, by the spirit of resignation and forgiveness. His life was full of love; his death the testimony. President Roosevelt said in hi message to Congress, "No man will ever be restrained from becoming Presi

dent by any fear as to his personal safety. If the risk to the President's life became greater, it would mean that the office would more and more come to be filled by men of a spirit which would make them resolute and merciless in dealing with every friend of disorder."

The anarchists are much given to writing, and they have secret channels of circulation, for their productions, and know how to seem brave by keeping just out of harm's way. They have been writing to the President-"open letters" and were good enough to make up a large list of themselves by writing freely to the assassin, executed as soon as the law permitted, in the State of New York. An anarchist sheet is responsible or irresponsible for a letter covering a page, and it is described as a carefully worded note of "warning and defiance." Of course, the anarchist attacks the President's logic. He says of the message:

"While you indulge in profuse abuse of the anarchists, you have in this same document practically admitted one of our fundamental contentions. In the paragraph following the subject of anarchy you say in congratulating the nation on the abounding prosperity that 'such prosperity can never be created by law alone, although it is easy enough to destroy it by mischievous laws.'

Then, again, that "The logical deduction from the passage, that if 'men of a spirit which would make them resolute and merciless in dealing with every friend of disorder' are desirable as presidents-your attitude leaves us to infer that they are the best way to place them in office is to assassinate the president as often as possible in order to bring about this result. The anarchist does not hold that assassination will abolish government, but so long as murder is indulged in from the top and misery is rampant in society it is inevitable that such methods will be resorted to occasionally from the bottom."

"The letter is not written," they add, "with the expectation of staying your policy, nor to defy you. It is too much to expect that intelligence will appeal to you; and there is no satisfaction in defying blind prejudice. But understand that neither your prisons nor penal colonies will stop the onward march of our ideas. We would welcome a refuge from all the governments of earth which could be made a real asylum for the outcast and oppressed. But even if you should deport to the most barren rocks the adherents of anarchism, do not think that the dial of progress can be turned back. Persecution will drive from our ranks some few who are unable to stand in the storm-it is not a fact which will be regretted by us. But it will also bring to our ranks those resolute lovers of truth who in all ages have with their own blood fed the lamp of liberty and reason.

"The Paris commune was drowned in the blood of 30,000 human beings, but even today the intelligent prolietaire looks back to that grand uprising with inspiration and hope."