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THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR. [Continued from page 119.]

1. Spain will evacuate Cuba. United States will preserve peace under international law.

2. Spain will cede to the United States Porto Rico and other islands in the West Indies, also Guam in the Ladrones.

3. Spain will cede to the United States the Philippines. United States will pay twenty million dollars for them.

4. United States will maintain an "open door" to Spain in the Philippines for ten years.

5. United States will return Spanish prisoners at Manila. 6. Spain will release and return prisoners in territory surrendered.

7. All claims for indemnity are mutually released.

8. Spain will relinquish all claims to property belonging to public domain.

9. Spanish subjects, desiring to remain in territory surrendered, may remain Spanish subjects by a declaration to that

effect.

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17. This treaty shall be ratified by the President and Senate of the United States and by her Majesty, the Queen Regent of Spain. The exchange of ratifications shall be at Washington within six months thereafter.

The debate in the Senate was spirited. Those in favor of ratification included Senators Foraker, Teller and Lodge; the opposition, Senators Hoar, Hale, Gorman, and Caffery. The news of the Filipino outbreak at Manila settled all further dispute and the treaty was ratified February 6 by a vote of 57 to 27-just one vote more than the necessary two-thirds vote. It was signed by the President February 10. The Senate later passed the McEnery resolution in which it was declared to be the sense of the Senate not to make the Filipinos United States citizens, nor the Philippines American soil, but to work toward their independence. Queen Regent Christina of Spain signed the treaty March 17. The exchange of ratifications took place in Washington at 3 p. m., April 11, 1899.

These ceremonies were witnessed by many distinguished persons-members of the cabinet and governmental officials. After the preliminaries of greetings, at 3:28 p. m., M. Cambon, the French Ambassador, signed the protocol of exchange in behalf of Spain, and Secretary Hay for the United States. The protocol was in French. The President then handed the American copy of the treaty to M. Cambon, at the same time receiving from him the Spanish copy. "Mr. Ambassador," said President McKinley, "I will issue my proclamation at once." The Spanish copy of the treaty was engrossed on parchment in old English script, in double columns, Spanish and English, bound in red morocco, and embossed in gold. The United States copy was a model of simplicity and neatness. The text, in double columns, English and Spanish, surrounded by a a narrow border of the national colors, was bound in dark blue morocco with the great seal of the United States upon its face and a decorative design in gilt.

The proclamation issued by President McKinley following the exchange of ratifications of the treaty was "to the end that he same and every detail and clause thereof may be observed

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and fulfilled with good faith by the United States and the citizens thereof." The President then appointed Mr. Bellamy Storer, our present minister to Belgium, as our minister to Spain. The Duke of Arcos, late minister to Mexico, who married Miss Virginia Lowery of Washington, has been appointed Spanish minister to the United States. The United States consuls who served in Spain before the war, will return to their former posts. April 29, M. Cambon officially notified Secretary Hay that Spain would accept through him the $20,000,000 for the Philippines. April 10, at the request of the Secretary of State, Secretary Gage drew four diplomatic settlement warrants of $5,000,000 each. These warrants were turned over to M. Cambon May 1, who receipted for the same. The ambassador deposited these warrants in the Riggs National Bank in Washington, awaiting further instructions from Spain. As the warrants are drawn upon the sub-treasury in New York the next steps are possibly as follows, to place the warrants in some New York bank and then "draw against the deposit in the purchase of bills of exchange. These bills will in time be presented at the foreign banks against which they are drawn and the amounts will be placed to Spanish credit. A few scratches of the pen and the transaction is complete."

September 17, 1898, a commission was appointed "to examine into the conduct of the Commissary, Quartermaster, and Medical Bureaus of the War Department, during the war and into the extent and cause and treatment of sickness in the field and in camps." The commission consisted of Col. James A. Sexton, E. P. Howell, G. M. Dodge, U. S. Woodbury, James A. Beaver, Charles Denby, P. S. Conner, Generals Wilson and McCook.

Their demands were for testimony from all available sources. "Things appeared better than reported by rumor and complaint." "Lacks" were admitted, but were "unavoidable." Individual rustling was often the only means of overcoming the lack. The commission reported no evidence of dishonest conduct in the War Department; but that needed reforms should be instituted to avoid friction. Out of this investigation grew the famous Miles-Eagan controversy. General Miles cited complaints about the refrigerated or "embalmed" beef supplied to the soldiers, saying "there was a pretense that it was sent as an experiment." General Eagan, assuming this to be a personal thrust, presented a written document to the commission in which he answered General Miles, using most violent and offensive language. Commission refused to record the document and returned it with a note of censure to General Eagan. Later, General Eagan again presented it to the commission, expurgated and accompanied by a note of apology, with an attempt at justification. Such a rupture as this could not have occurred had General Eagan felt accountable in any measure to General Miles. This indicates the existing relations between the War Department and the army. It resulted in the Army Reorganization Bill.

General Eagan was charged with conduct unbecoming an officer and gentleman and was tried before a court martial. Their verdict was guilty and dismissal from the service. President McKinley commuted it to suspension from rank and duty for six years, with full pay, minus allowances for rations, etc. A military commission to investigate beef charges was then appointed by the President. It was composed of Generals Wade, Gillespie, Davis and Colonel Davis. General Miles was allowed an attorney. The commission met in Washington February 20. President McKinley then submitted to the court a list of questions, the finding of definite answers to which should constitute the work of the court. After hearing testimony pro and con in Washington, they visited Chicago and

other cities to investigate personally methods used by the various packing houses. General Miles later attempted to show that "canned" beef was really the worse. Testimony in general favored "refrigerated" beef, but "canned" beef was "nauseating," "unfit for food," "foul-smelling," "sickening and weakening," "bury the meat or bury the soldiers, so we buried the meat." April 5 the Yale chemist, in the government employ, testified that no chemicals had been found and that it was his judgment that the tropical heat caused the trouble. The Wade Court of Inquiry closed its investigations and signed its report April 29. This document of about thirty thousand words, was taken to the War Department, where it was sealed in an envelope, forwarded at once to the White House, and forthwith sent to the President in New York. Though not yet made public, the report is generally thought, first, to find that General Miles' charges concerning refrigerated beef are unsustained; that the canned and the refrigerated beef was the beef of commerce, good when delivered, but was affected by the tropical heat; that canned beef is not a suitable steady ration; that no chemicals were used to "embalin" the beef; and that dependence upon beef on the hoof would have been impracticable; second, to criticise General Miles and other officers for delinquency in the duty of bringing these complaints to the War Department when they were first entered. If this forecast of the report be true, the War Department has been vindicated and the light in which it leaves the "General commanding" is not the most enviable.

Last November, Major-General O. O. Howard called attention to certain defects in our army organization, which had long been apparent, especially the lack of ability to locate responsibility. He recommended the abolition of the office of commander-in-chief and the making of the Secretary of War exofficio that commander. In consequence, two bills were introduced into Congress; one originated from the War Department, and was introduced into the House by Congressman Hull; the other originated from the General "commanding the army," and was introduced into the Senate by Senator Hawley. They agreed as to increasing the army to one hundred thousand men, but differed in almost all other respects. The Hawley bill provided for one soldier for every one thousand in population; many staff and line officers; one general and two lieutenant-generals. The Hull bill provided for an increase of the medical corps to four thousand officers and men: soldiers in sub-tropic countries to have one-fourth increase in pay. Congressman McClellan introduced another bill, and finally the House Committee, attempting to combine the best features of all three, reported practically the Hull bill, changed only in details. It provided for one lieutenant-general, six major-generals, twelve brigadier-generals; the departments of adjutant-general, inspector-general, judge-advocate-general, and quartermaster-general, and a few other minor departments, were to be independent in action. The main objection to such a large standing army is the estimated yearly expense, $310,000,000, which covers $165,000,000 current expense and $145,000,000 pensions. The House adopted this with two amendments: gave the President discretion to keep as few as 50,000 in the field; and abolished the canteen system. The Senate altered it still further, and the bill as finally approved March 2, 1899, provides in the main as follows: The regular army shall be on the basis of 65,000 for two years. The President may enlist 35,000 more for service in Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines, natives or Americans as he deems wise. July 1, 1901, the army is to be reduced to 27,000, the number before the war opened. This bill does not remedy the evils of present staff-officer appointments.

The Filipino insurrection against American authority is the result of a misguided, over-ambitious leadership. When the United States became a party in the Philippine situation, as she did by the battle of Manila and later by the surrender of the city, she found the Filipinos under the leadership of Aguinaldo, claiming that they were a republic independent of the sovereignty of Spain or of the United States. At no time whatsoever has the United States recognized the Filipinos either as allies or belligerents. In September, 1898, Aguinaldo asked all foreign nations, except the United States, to recognize the Filipino republic. In October a representative presented a copy of their constitution to President McKinley. December 10 the treaty was signed by which Spain transferred her soveignty in the Philippines to the United States, which condition Aguinaldo insisted was impossible since the Spanish sovereignty was superseded already by the independent republic. January 5 President McKinley directed General Otis to issue a proclamation as to the extension of American sovereignty over, and friendship for, the Filipinos, and ordered a military occupation of all ceded territory. It was answered by Aguinaldo declaring himself "military governor" in the Philippines and declaring for absolute independence. January 28 the Philippine commission was appointed by President McKinley, composed of Admiral Dewey, General Otis, Professor Worcester of Michigan University, Colonel Denby, former minister to China, and President Schurman of Cornell. Their function was advisory and informative; they are expected to complete their work by September at the latest. About this time Senor Agoncillo, Aguinaldo's representative, arrived in Washington to insist that Spain had no sovereignty to transfer and to protest against American interference. The Filipino Junto in London threatened to suspend all relations with the United States unless Agoncillo were recognized at Washington. denced anxiety to precipitate hostilities between the United States and the Filipinos, and as the insurgents then held Iloilo and were encamped in a threatening attitude before Manila, hostilities seemed imminent. Saturday evening, February 4, the break came by act of the Filipinos, but they were repulsed. February 7 the Americans captured the waterworks east of Manila, a most fortunate thing for the city and army. Aguinaldo then disregarded the constitution of his government and declared war. Since then, engagement after engagement has brought new honors to American arms.

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After the battle of Caloocan, February 10, the fall of Iloilo, February 11, Aguinaldo issued an order for the burning of Manila and the extermination of the Americans, April 21. General Otis immediately ordered all the inhabitants of Manila to remain indoors from 7 p. m. until daylight. This attitude of the insurgents coupled with one or two diplomatic conditions was followed by Admiral Dewey's requesting the presence of the battleship Oregon at Manila "for political reasons." After this the plan of the Americans to capture Aguinaldo or to force him to surrender and so put down the insurrection, was sought to be accomplished by two moves-first, the establishment of a line of positions from Manila eastward to the coast, thus cutting Luzon into two sections; second, the pursuit of Aguinaldo to the north. The first was accomplished by the battle of Pasig, March 15, the occupation of Lagoon Bay March 20, and the fall of Santa Cruz April 8. The object of the second move was not so easily accomplished. Although Aguinaldo was now limited to the resources and men of the northern part of the island, he made a number of defiant stands. After the battle of Malabon, the attempt to surround Aguinaldo by moving northeast to Novalishes failed because he escaped before our forces were in position. Pressing farther

north, the battle of Bulacon followed, and on March 31 General MacArthur's division captured Malolos, Aguinaldo's capitol. In the meantime the Island of Negros had sent a commission to Manila to acknowledge United States sovereignty, refusing to acknowledge Aguinaldo; a United States vessel had taken possession of the Island of Cebu; the Oregon had arrived; General Lawton had arrived to aid General Otis; and Dewey had raised his Admiral's flag at Manila on the fourth of March. April 4 the American commissioners issued a proclamation"a greater document than this has not appeared since the Declaration of Independence," says an authority. The whole 1500 words bespeaks American sovereignty in the Philippine islands but promises all things good in religion, education, justice, rights and government for the Filipinos. Spanish, Tagalo, and English versions of it were spread broadcast. At the same time the Filipino Junta issued a proclamation claiming to have received information of mysterious intrigues for a union of the Vatican and American officials to re-establish the former ascendancy of the church in the Philippines. April 8 it was reported, that the insurgent army deposed Aguinaldo and chose General Di Luna as their leader. Neither the fall of the capital, nor the proclamation of the Commissioners had the desired effect, and our force again engaged the insurgents at Quingua, April 23, at Calumpit, April 26, and at Apalit, April 27, from which point they retreated to San Fernando to prepare for another stand. General Luna then took steps to agree upon some terms of peace. The United States has signified its determination to accept nothing short of unconditional and absolute surrender. Although desultory fighting may continue for a time, it is to be hoped that the end is near. The Filipinos have evidently found the American method of fighting somewhat of a surprise after the encounters with the Spanish. As they themselves express it, we did not fight and then rest as the Spaniards did, therefore we "did not fight fair."

The American losses have been slight when compared with those of the enemy. The navy suffered its first reverse April 12, in the capture of Lieutenant Gilmore and fourteen sailors of the "Yorktown" while they were attempting the rescue of some Spanish prisoners on the east coast of Luzon. The United States has refused to permit Spain to buy the release of Spanish prisoners in the hands of Aguinaldo-about 6000 in all— thus preventing him from receiving this pecuniary aid. We, as Kansans, are especially interested in this insurrection because of the personal relation we as a State sustain to it. "Our boys," ever eager to get to the front, here found their opportunity, and in the noble fulfillment of that opportunity there has come to our Kansas great sorrow for her dead, and intense joy because of those deeds of valor. From the onset at Caloocan to the unprecedented charge at Calumpit, the dashing Colonel Funston and the invincible 20th Kansas have well nigh been "the whole American army." The sacrifice of such Kansas men as Captain Elliott, Colonel Egbert, Lieutenant Alford, and Private Curran Craig, causes us to try to estimate anew the value of human liberty in terms of the lives of our dear ones. Shall civilization feel the responsibility for the waste places of the earth? Can free America minister to the needy islands of the sea with no cost to herself? These men have answered, and in that answer there have come to Kansas glories of which she had not dreamed. It was Colonel Funston with twenty of his men, at Caloocan who swam the Marilao river, under fire, and captured eighty fully armed insurgents; it was Colonel Funston who crept over a dismantled bridge before the commander had called for volunteers to lead the charge; it was Colonel Funston who was the first in the city of Malolos, and disregarding sharpshooters, ran up the starry

emblem on the deserted palace and "waited for the band to come up;" it was Colonel Funston at Calumpit, who, with a tew companions, swam the Bagbag river, under fire, and dislodged the enemy. It is Colonel Funston, the Kansas volunteers and the Kansas "yell" that strike terror to the heart of the Filipino, whether these particular Americans-with such privates as Trembley and White—are swimming the stream with the ropes to a raft in their mouths and guns held aloft, or clambering over their deserted trenches pursuing the fleeing enemy. For wherever the "little Colonel" is, there that 20th Kansas always is. It is not only Kansas who is proud of these men, but the East is clamoring to do them honor. When it was known that May 2, President McKinley promoted Colonel Funston to the position of Brigadier General of volunteers, the nation approved it as the reward of merit for achievements of unusual daring and brilliancy. General Funston and his deeds are already a part of our national history even if "his name will not rhyme with anything sublime." Kansas City, Missouri, not to be outdone by Kansas, already has plans formulating to do the handsome thing for the Kansans "when they come marching home" and so will Kansas and the nation prove our appreciation of our heroes.

February 16, 1899, President McKinley was the guest of honor at a banquet given in Boston by the Home Market Club. 1,914 plates were laid, while fully 3,800 spectators occupied the balconies. This club then had the distinction of providing for the largest banquet ever given in America, but it has since been exceeded by one in New York City. President McKinley was accompanied by Messrs. Long, Alger, Bliss, Gage, and Smith, of his cabinet. Before the banquet the President received in Paul Revere hall and shook hands with fully 2,500 persons. At six o'clock the banquet call was answered. Upon the walls of the banquet hall were the likenesses of Washington, Lincoln, and McKinley, with "Liberator" underneath; Speaker Reed and ex-President Harrison; Admiral Dewey with the motto, "To the Captain of a German ship-you must not sail by an United States flag without seeing it," and the famous command, "You may fire, Gridley, when ready;" with Grant and McKinley. The menus were eight-page books containing the picture of President McKinley, the names and positions of the guests at the tables, the menu, toasts, musical program, and the ode to the President written by Samuel W. Foss to the tune of America, and to be sung by the audience at the close of the President's address. The President's menu was satin-bound, hand-painted. Upon the conclusion of the dinner, two addresses of welcome to the President were given by Governor Wolcott and by Mayor Quincy, to which President McKinley responded in substance: "The year 1898 has added new glory to American arms, and a new chapter to American history. The year 1899, sees mighty problems before this republic for solution. They are the result of the evolution of events which no man could control. Every effort to avoid war failed, it was the war of the undivided nation. The Philippines, like Cuba and Porto Rico, were intrusted to our hands by the war, and to that great trust, under the providence of God, and in the name of human progress and civilization, we are committed. It is a trust we have not sought; it is not a trust from which we will flinch. We will support Dewey and Otis in upholding our flag where it now floats, the symbol and assurance of liberty and justice. Who can fix the limits of war? Congress can declare war, but a higher power decrees its bounds and fixes its relations and responsibilities, and these can only be measured when the last gun is fired and the verdict embodied in the stipulations of peace.

Although views may differ as to the relations to exist between

the Philippines and the United States, all agree that they should not be restored to Spain, and to have permitted them to be given to any other power would have created serious international complications. The treaty gave them to the United States. Could we have required less and done our duty? After freeing them from Spain, could we have left them without government, and without power to protect life and property, or to perform the international obligations essential to an independent state? Could we have left them in a state of anarchy, and justified our consciences? Could we have done that in the sight of God or man?

In doing all that has been done, we needed no one's consent because we were seeking the highest welfare of these peoples and so were obeying a higher moral obligation-fulfilling a duty approved by conscience and civilization. The war is ended. The nation itself has ratified the treaty. The best and yet the hardest thing to do, is yet to be done. We cannot shirk grave responsibilities although it is not always given us to know why they are thrust upon us. The future of the Philippines is now in the hands of the American people. The whole subject is now with Congress and Congress is the voice, the conscience, the judgment of the American people. Upon their judgment and conscience can we not rely? I believe in them, I trust them. I know of no better or safer human tribunal than the people.

Until Congress shall uirect, the executive can only possess and hold the Philippines, making them know that we are all friends, and that their good is our aim, but that it cannot be accomplished until our authority is acknowledged and unquestioned. This government means a self-government for them. No imperial designs lurk in the American mind. They are alien to American sentiment, thought, and purpose. Our priceless principles undergo no change under a tropical sun. They go with the fiat:

"Why read ye not the changeless truth,
The free can conquer but to save!"

If we can benefit these remote peoples, who will object, who will not rejoice in our heroism and humanity? I have no light or knowledge not common to my countrymen. I cannot bound my vision by the blood-stained trenches around Manila, but by the broad range of future years, when that group of islands shall have become the glory of the tropical seas, a land of plenty, a people devoted to peace, in touch with all nations, enjoying the blessings of freedom, civil and religious liberty, and of education; and whose children for ages shall bless the American republic because it emancipated and redeemed their fatherland and set them in the pathway of the world's best civilization."

Mr. McKinley was followed by Postmaster-General Smith, in whose speech occurred this sentence: "Lincoln emancipated 4,000,000 of beings; McKinley has lifted 10,000,000 into new light and freedom, and the devoted President *** is keeping touch with the popular heart as he fulfills his lofty mission of taking the flag of American liberty where Lincoln has left it pure and stainless, and carrying it forward to wider sway and influence in the world."

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THE base ball boys, having beaten the Ottawa University team on their own ground, repeated the victory on our home grounds Friday afternoon, May 12, winning by a score of 10 to 6.

ANOTHER of our brave boys has fallen in the Philippines. William McTaggart, Second Lieutenant Company G, Twentieth Kansas, was killed at San Tomas, May 5, 1899. He was one of the most popular boys in his classes when here. With such noble blood is human progress attained.

WE are having inquiries concerning the article by Doctor Holland on the "Social Undertow" mentioned in "The Study of the Child" page 153. It will be found in "Plain talks on Familiar Subjects," a handsome little volume issued by Chas. Scribner's Sons. Any book dealer can order it for you.

THE M., K. & T. railroad has changed time so that its trains now make connection at Parsons with the St. Louis and Chicago trains. That "Flyer" from Texas through to St. Louis is a "dandy" and the people ere rapidly learning what delightful accommodations the "Katy" provides for its friends.

THE following named persons were selected at the rehearsal on the evening of May 16 to represent the class of 1899 on commencement day: Elihu Bowles, May Chandler, Mabel L. House, Edna Roberson, Kittie M. Taylor, and A. M. ThoroThe class elected A. M. Thoroman valedictorian and Edna Roberson salutatorian.

man.

Personals.

T. B. Henry, '94, Richard Allen, '98, and W. E. Ringle, a recent student of the State Normal School, were elected in April to positions in the newly organized county high school at Independence.

'90. We are in receipt of an invitation to attend the graduating exercises of the Senior class at Princeton Seminary, New Jersey, with the compliments of E. E. E. Hench, who now becomes a regularly ordained pastor in the cause of his Master. '84. Correa J. Cretcher writes us that she is attending the University of Chicago this year. Her sister Gertrude entered our classes the first week in May.

'95. We have the pleasure of announcing the arrival of a handsome baby girl at the home of Mr. and Mrs. Frank Keene. '95. W. M. Edgerton completed a course in the St. Louis College of Physicians and Surgeons in April last. We are under obligations to him for a handsome invitation card.

Notice to Contractors and Builders.

Until nine o'clock a. m. on Tuesday, June 13, 1899, sealed proposals will be received for the following described work: I. For furnishing material and erecting one boiler house on the grounds belonging to the State Normal School, including also a smoke stack for the same.

2. For repairing and removing boilers from old boiler house and placing them in new boiler house and for furnishing one or two new boilers as may be determined later by the board of regents of said State Normal School.

3. For furnishing material, excavating and piping from boilers in new boiler house and connecting same with main building.

Drawings and specifications for above work may be found at the office of the Secretary of the Board of Regents, Emporia, Kansas, on and after June 1, 1899.

JOHN MADDEN,

Secretary Board of Regents State Normal School.

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The Eastern Question.

The students and faculty of the Normal and the citizens of Emporia enjoyed during the third week in April a course of five lectures of surpassing interest. They were given in Albert Taylor hall by Dr. D. M. Harris, editor of The Observer, Saint Louis, Mo. Four of the lectures were presented upon successive afternoons, their subjects being "The Eastern Question." The Doctor makes no pretensions to oratory, but he is a clear, forcible speaker who carries the attention and sympathy of his hearers to a climax of interest. He has traveled abroad extensively and has made a profound study of the governmental and territorial problems of the Eastern hemisphere. He is full of his subject, speaks without notes, and has a happy faculty of presenting related facts in a grouping which leaves the most definite impressions upon the minds of his audiences. He used a fine set of continental maps belonging to the institution and located the different countries and their dependencies as he discussed them. Beginning with the unspeakable Turk, he presented a vivid picture of the Mongol blot upon European civilization, enlarging upon the relations of England and Russia to the Turkish Empire. England with a chain of fortifications established upon the borders and islands of the Mediterranean Sea, is desirous of retaining military and commercial supremacy there, while Russia, whose land-locked situation renders southern water communication her most coveted ideal, wishes to gain control of Constantinople and the outlet of the Black Sea which is now closed to her by the mandates of the powers of Europe. Russia's greatest national need is possession of southern outlets for her navy and commerce. These she has long sought from three directions: the Mediterranean, through the Bosporus and the Dardanelles; the Arabian Sea, through Persia; and the Yellow Sea, through a foothold in China. She has her vast possessions almost spanned by some five thousand miles of railway which, when shortly connected with Port Arthur, will give her control of Eastern Asiatic commerce and will compel England to build a competing line through Southern Asia. When this latter project is realized and England shall have succeeded in her present purpose of connecting her North and South African possessions by a railway line, the commerce of the world will again be revolutionized as it was through the great changes occurring in the medieval period.

The Doctor's fourth lecture was devoted to an exposition of the colonial dependencies of the world powers. He asserted the Anglo-Saxon to be the supreme colonizing stock, citing the lamentable failures of Germany, Italy, France and Spain to sustain successful relations with their colonies. He discussed the varieties of tenure under which colonial possessions are held and stated that England administers some three dozen different forms of colonial government.

The closing lecture was given on Saturday evening to a fine audience of citizens and Normal folk. Taking as his theme the great Italian poet, he presented in a masterly manner the times, life and works of Dante. In a detailed review of the Divina Commedia he paid a magnificent tribute to this worldclassic, quoting from the original and explaining the beauties of choice passages,-a labor of love with him as he has read the poem in the Italian no less than forty-five times.

Dr. and Mrs. Harris were entertained while in Emporia by President and Mrs. Taylor who took peculiar pleasure in the renewal of a valued intercourse, Dr. Harris having formerly sustained to President Taylor the relations successivefy of teacher, pastor and co-worker.

It is the generally expressed wish of the faculty and students of the Normal School and of the citizens of Emporia, privileged to hear the lectures, that Dr. Harris may return at a future period and present another course. It is known that the Doctor has a series of twenty lectures upon European governments, largely based upon data collected during his years of study of their practical workings while he was touring in Europe, and Emporia would assure him a warm welcome should he return to give us selections from that course.

W. S. P.

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