tion, and replied in a brief speech, which was well received. The speech will appear in another chapter.

Mrs. Bryan and I were much amused the next morning by a newspaper article which attempted to describe her appearance during the delivery of the speech. It carried her through all the emotions, from ecstasy to despair. If the account had been founded upon fact it would have justified her in claiming pre-eminence among the artists in facial expression.

After the notification meeting we went to the balcony of the Bartholdi Hotel, where I spoke for a few moments to those who had been unable to gain entrance to Madison Square Garden. The following is an extract:

Bartholdi Hotel Speech.

Some of your financiers have boasted that they favor gold, but you shall teach them that they must carry their ideas far enough to believe, not in gold, but in the golden rule. Our opponents have been threatening to organize a gold standard Democratic party, but be not afraid; you will search the pages of history in vain to find a battle ever won by an army of generals. They have not a private in their ranks. Now, my friends, I want you to set an example for your opponents which they have not set for you. They claim that they represent the respectable element of society. Teach them that a man's respectability cannot be proven by slandering every one who differs from him in opinion.

On the next day Mr. Sewall, Mrs. Bryan and I received callers. at the Windsor Hotel. On Friday we took a run down to Coney Island and on our return overheard a fellow passenger on the boat very bitterly denouncing me. After he had exhausted language in expressing his contempt for me and my supporters he was introduced. Mrs. Bryan and I tried to assure him that no harm had been done by his candid expression of opinion, but he was so deeply mortified that he did not enjoy the remainder of the trip.

CHAPTER XXI.

S

ON THE HUDSON.

ATURDAY morning we brought to a close our very pleasant sojourn with Mr. St. John and his mother, and in company

with Mr. Sewall went up the Hudson to Irvington, to spend the Sabbath with Mr. John Brisbane Walker. Mr. Walker's residence is surrounded by splendid shade, and commands a beautiful view of the Hudson. Here for forty-eight hours we enjoyed a season of rest and recreation. During the afternoon Mr. Walker showed us through the building where his magazine, the Cosmopolitan, is published, and we had an opportunity to examine the publisher's art in its highest state of perfection.

Sunday morning General Samuel Thomas laid aside his aversion to silver, as well as his hostility to Democracy, and took us to his church, the First Presbyterian, where we listened to a sermon by the Rev. Dr. Ingham. In the afternoon, Mr. O. J. Smith, of the American Press Association, an old-time friend, called with his wife, and took us for a drive along the Hudson, through Sleepy Hollow, and to the grave of Washington Irving. This, our first view of Hudson. river scenery, was much enjoyed. While at Mr. Walker's we made the acquaintance of Mr. W. R. Hearst, of the New York Journal, and Dr. Albert Shaw, of the Review of Reviews.

Although loth to leave so delightful a host and hostess, we were compelled to resume our journey Monday morning. Mr. Sewall went down to New York, and we accompanied him as far as Yonkers, where we boarded a Hudson river steamer. While waiting for the boat, some one asked for an autograph, and we had a chance to observe the effect of a precedent, for as soon as one request had been complied with another was made, until the entire time of waiting was occupied in the furnishing of autographs, and the work continued after the boat started until we were compelled to suspend it or miss the beauties of the ride. We were given a place in the pilot house, and had pointed out to us the various places of note along the river. West Point was especially interesting.

At Newburg a considerable crowd had gathered and a still larger one at Poughkeepsie, where we took the train for Barrytown. At the

latter place we were met by Mr. and Mrs. E. C. Perrine, and driven to their home at Upper Red Hook, about six miles back from the river, where we remained one week. Mrs. Perrine was Mrs. Bryan's teacher in the Academy at Jacksonville, and the warm friendship which grew up between them was continued after the teacher had returned to New York and the pupil had gone to her Nebraska home. When we were casting about for a place of rest, this home naturally suggested itself, and upon arrival we found it even better suited to our purpose than we had anticipated. Mr. and Mrs. Perrine left nothing. undone to make our stay enjoyable.

Upper Red Hook is a very small village, consisting of a hotel, a postoffice, a store, two or three churches, and a few residences. A spirit of restfulness pervades the town and the country roads furnish well-shaded drives. There was a reception the evening of our arrival, attended by the neighbors for miles around. When my fondness for green corn became known, the farmers generously supplied our table, and justice compels me to add that the quality was fully equal to the Nebraska article.

There were some lakes near by where we made rather an unsuccessful attempt at fishing. As an illustration of the manner in which at candidate's action is watched by both friendly and unfriendly eyes, I here record the fact that as soon as the papers announced the catching of a fish, I was at once warned by numerous letters not to fish any more during the campaign, lest I should offend those who had become prejudiced against presidential fishing.

One afternoon was devoted to a drive down the river to Rhinecliffe and a visit to Governor Morton's farm. The overseer kindly took us through the grounds, showed the ninety-acre cornfield, the wonder of that portion of the State, gave us a sample of creamery butter, inducted us into the mysteries of incubators and spring poultry, and at last took us through the Governor's famous barn and pointed out the most noted of his herd. On our return we stopped for supper at Rhinebeck, where we found a crowd assembled and a band ready to give us a serenade. My speech at Rhinebeck was as follows:

Rhinebeck Speech.

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: I think I can go further even than the chairman of this impromptu meeting. He says that to be the President of the United States is to be greater than to be a Roman, or a king. But few can be President, and I rejoice that I live in a land where to be a citizen is greater than to be a king. I rejoice that I live in a land where those

who exercise authority derive that authority from the consent of the governed and do not rule by the right divine.

In this land, whether we live along the Hudson, or on the Western prairies, we stand upon a common plane and we participate in a government which represents us all. We may belong to different parties, but I trust I may be able to express the desire of each of you, as well as of myself, when I say that we ought to belong at all times to that party which, in our judgment, will enable us best to serve our country.

Parties are instruments, not ends. They are the means we use to secure that which we believe to be best for us, for our families, and for our fellows. Issues arise from time to time, and it is the duty of every citizen who loves his country, and who appreciates the responsibilities which rest upon him, to study each issue as it arises.

I am not here tonight to make you a political speech. I am in your midst to rest. But I cannot withstand the temptation at this time to beg that you will study, if you have not done so before, that issue which in this campaign is paramount. I know that among our neighbors in the East there are many who have regarded our position upon the money question as entirely wrong, and they speak of the silver sentiment as a sort of disease.

I want to beg of you, my friends, to believe that we, who advocate the restoration of the money of the Constitution, are not seeking that policy because we believe that it is going to give us an advantage over somebody else. We have studied the question as best we could, and we honestly believe that there can be no permanent, no general prosperity in this country until we stop the conspiracy of those who would make gold the only standard of the world and make all other things depend upon that alone.

We believe that while the struggle for gold goes on other things must become cheap; that as we increase the demand for that one thing, gold, we must decrease the price of all those things which are exchanged for gold, and we believe that this falling of prices, compelled by legislation, is destructive of the energies, the industries and the hope of the toiling masses of the United States and of the world. I beg of you, when you are considering this question, to remember that this is a great nation, and that it is made up of 70,000,000 people, each the equal of the other.

I have visited some of your beautiful villas along the Hudson. I have been charmed with their beauty, but when you study this question, remember that those, who, instead of occupying these magnificent places, must toil all day under the summer sun, have just as much interest in the money question as anybody else. Remember, that this question cannot be viewed from the standpoint of any class of people.

It reaches every man, woman and child in the land, and you should make your view broad enough to comprehend them all, because I believe I speak the truth when I say that the prosperity of the well-to-do rests upon the prosperity of those who toil, and that you cannot have a financial policy which brings distress to those who create wealth, without, in the end, reaching those who rest upon these toilers. And, more than that, you cannot have a policy which brings prosperity to the masses without the prosperity proving of benefit to all mankind.

I beg that in your consideration of this question, you will study the interests of all, and not merely the interests of those who may be temporarily benefited by the rise in the value of the dollar, and, when you have made up your mind, I desire each of you to feel that you have the right to express your own view. The ballot was not given in order that one man should vote for many, or that one man should compel others to vote with him, or purchase their votes.

It was given in order that each man might make his ballot represent a free man's will, and, when each one, studying as he will and voting as he likes, expresses himself we take a majority, and then we all support the one who is elected and hold up his hands while he administers for us the government, whether we agree with his views or not.

Saturday afternoon we visited Madalin and there I made my first campaign speech, a portion of which is given below:

Madalin Speech.

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: We are entering upon a campaign which is a remarkable one in many respects. Heretofore, at least during the last twenty-five or thirty years, each party has gone into the campaign practically solid, presenting a united front against the opposing party. But in this campaign there has been practically a bolt from every convention which has been held. What does this mean? It means that convictions are deeper this year than they have been heretofore.

It means that people are not so willing now as they have been to allow the platform of a party to control their action. Men are thinking this year with more of earnestness and intensity than they have in recent years, and the results of this thinking will be manifested when the time comes to register the will of this great nation, and between that time and this hour we expect to present to those who must act upon the questions the issues of this campaign.

When our party at Chicago wrote the platform which it did, we knew that it would offend some people. No party can take a plain, strong, emphatic position upon any question without offending somebody. We declared in that platform what we believed to be right. We declared there the policies which we believed to be best for the American people, and when we did it we knew that it would alienate some.

Let me read one of the planks of that platform:

We are opposed to the issuing of interest bearing bonds of the United States in time of peace, and condemn the trafficking with banking syndicates which, in exchange for bonds, and at an enormous profit to themselves, supply the Federal Treasury with gold to maintain the policy of gold monometallism.

That is one of the planks. That was not put in there to attract the love of those who have grown rich out of the Government's extremities. We did not expect those who have a passage way from the Federal Treasury to their offices to join with us in closing up the passage way. We did not expect those who are making a profit out of a gold standard and out of the embarrassment which it brings to the Treasury to join with us in putting an end to the gold