American Colonies under the stamp act of 1765, and those associations forced from the Ministry the repeal of that darling measure. Mr. Brougham, a distinguished British writer, in his "inquiry," published in 1803, states, that "the mere hat manufactory of Massachusetts was an object of jealousy to the British Legislature." He further states, that "statutes were passed in the reign of George the 2d, prohibiting the erection of furnaces, &c., in America." Sugar Duty. [H. OF R. Mr. STEARNS moved that the amendment of the committee, which reduced the duty on brown sugar to three and a half cents per pound be amended, by further reducing the duty to two cents per pound. This motion was decided, by yeas and nays, in the affirmative-for the amendment 86, against it 56, as follows: YEAS.-Messrs. Baer, Bateman, Baylies, Bennett, Birdsall, Boss, Bradbury, Brooks, Burnside, Cham An honorable member of this House from Connecticut, in his invaluable treatise on "Sta-pion, Chappell, Cilley, Clarke of N. Carolina, Clayton, tistics," recently published, pages 5, 8, and 9, has given a just description of the continuing hostile policy of Great Britain to American manufactures. Upon what other principle, sir, can it be, that hitherto double duties have added nothing to the price of cottons in the market? I beg leave, sir, now to refer to the Parliamentary history of the interesting events which led to the entire exclusion of India cotton fabrics from consumption in Great Britain. In this we shall find a picture of our own times, the same causes occurring to oppress manufactures, and a remedy much more severe for the evil is now proposed. I refer, sir, to the 6th vol. pages 877 and 941 of Anderson's Commerce, continued by Combe, under the year 1787. From this history the following facts appear: That Arkwright's machinery, then recently invented, had produced a revolution in the cotton manufacture. That such are the difficulties attending the establishment of new manufactures, that, had India cottons continued to be imported, it would have destroyed the cotton manufactures of Great Britain. That the East India Company actually reduced the prices of their goods above 20 per cent., for the purpose of underselling and ruining the British manufacture. This same East India Company is now raising the same weapon against the American manufactures, aided in this by Great Britain, which that Company wielded against the British in 1787, and the effect in prostrating them is as certain. If the British factories could not stand against the East India importation, how is it possible that the American can? The present ruinous state of our cotton factories, and that many of them are wholly suspended, others partially, must be known to many members of this House, who have no concern in the establishments. He who listens to and acts upon suggestions to the contrary, will hereafter experience deep regret. Mr. SMITH, of Maryland, then proposed to make the limit of the twenty-five per cent. duty three years, instead of two. This motion was carried, ayes 79, noes 71and then the amendment of the Committee of the Whole, as amended, (twenty-five per cent. for three years, and twenty per cent. thereafter,) was agreed to by a large majority. Culpeper, Darlington, Davenport, Edwards, Forney, The duty on lump sugar, on motion of Mr SMITH of Maryland, was then reduced to ten cents per pound, instead of twelve, as reported by the Committee of the Whole. A motion was made by Mr. PICKERING, so to amend the proviso adopted by the committee respecting India cottons, as to admit all importations from India, within one year after the 30th June next, on their paying 25 per cent. on the cost of the goods in India, with the addition of the usual 20 per cent.; in other words, to reduce the amount to the old double duty. Mr. P. advocated his motion at some length, and was supported with zeal by Mr. WARD, of Massachusetts, who argued that it would be unjust to ruin one class of citizens to benefit another, which would be the effect, if those merchants who had sent out orders to India were subjected to the heavy duty reported by the committee. Before the question on this amendment was taken, a motion was made and carried to adjourn. THURSDAY, April 4. The Tariff-Cotton Goods. The House resumed the consideration of the H. OF R.] The Tariff-Cotton Goods. [APRIL, 1816. report of the Committee of the Whole, on the | It would, doubtless, by some be considered a bill to regulate the duties on imports. Mr. Randolph's Motion to strike out the Minimum Clause in the duty on Cotton Goods. Mr. RANDOLPH moved to strike out so much of the proviso of the second session as fixes the minimum price of cotton goods (except nankeens directly from China) at twenty-five cents per square yard. Mr. R. then entered into a pretty wide discussion of his motion, avowing his willingness to encourage, as far as was proper, those manufactures of cloths conducted in the families of our citizens, and argued against the propriety of promoting the manufacturing establishments to the extent, and in the manner proposed by the bill, and against laying up eight thousand tons of shipping now employed in the East India trade, and levying an immense tax on one portion of the community to put money into the pockets of another. rash assertion; but he conceived it to be susceptible of the clearest proof, and he hoped, with due attention, to establish it to the satis faction of the House. 1 The security of a country mainly depends on its spirit and its means; and the latter principally on its moneyed resources. Modified as the industry of this country now is, combined with our peculiar situation, and want of a naval ascendency, whenever we have the misfortune to be involved in a war with a nation dominant on the ocean, and it is almost only with such we can at present be, the moneyed resources of the country, to a great extent, must fail. He took it for granted, that it was the duty of this body to adopt those measures of prudent foresight which the event of war made necessary. We cannot, he presumed, be indifferent to dangers from abroad, unless, indeed, the House is prepared to indulge in the phantom of eter peace, which seemed to possess the dream Mr. CALHOUN.-The debate heretofore on this some of its members. Could such a state exis subject, has been on the degree of protection no foresight of fortitude would be necessary to which ought to be afforded to our cotton and conduct the affairs of the Republic; but as it is woollen manufactures; all professing to be the mere illusion of the imagination—as every friendly to those infant establishments, and to people, who ever has or ever will exist, are subbe willing to extend to them adequate encour-jected to the vicissitudes of peace and war, it agement. The present motion assumes a new must ever be considered as the plain dictate of aspect. It is introduced professedly on the wisdom, in peace to prepare for war. What ground that manufactures ought not to receive then, let us consider, constitute the resource any encouragement, and will, in its operation, of this country, and what are the effects of war leave our cotton establishments exposed to the on them? Commerce and agriculture, till lately, competition of the cotton goods of the East almost the only, still constitute the principal Indies, which, it is acknowledged on all sides, sources of our health. So long as these remain they are not capable of meeting with success, uninterrupted, the country prospers; but war, without the proviso proposed to be stricken as we are now circumstanced, is equally deout by the motion now under discussion. Until structive to both. They both depend on foreign the debate assumed this new form, he had de- markets, and our country is placed, as it regards termined to be silent; participating, as he largely them, in a situation strictly insular; a wide did, in that general anxiety which is felt, after ocean rolls between. Our commerce neither is so long and laborious a session, to return to the nor can be protected by the present means of the bosom of our families. But on a subject of such country. What, then, are the effects of a war vital importance, touching, as it does, the secu- with a maritime power-with England? Our rity and permanent prosperity of our country, commerce annihilated, spreading individual mishe hoped that the House would indulge him in a ery, and producing national poverty; our agrifew observations. He regretted much his want culture cut off from its accustomed markets, the of preparation-he meant not a verbal prepara- surplus product of the farmer perishes on his tion, for he had ever despised such, but that due hands; and he ceases to produce, because he and mature meditation and arrangement of cannot sell. His resources are dried up, while thought, which the House is entitled to on the his expenses are greatly increased; as all manupart of those who occupy any portion of their factured articles, the necessaries as well as the time. But whatever his arguments might want conveniences of life, rise to an extravagant on that account in weight, he hoped might be price. The recent war fell with peculiar presmade up in the disinterestedness of his situation. sure on the growers of cotton and tobacco, and He was no manufacturer; he was not from that other great staples of the country; and the same portion of our country supposed to be peculiarly state of things will recur in the event of another, interested. Coming, as he did, from the South, unless prevented by the foresight of this body. having, in common with his immediate constitu- If the mere statement of facts did not carry conents, no interest but in the cultivation of the soil, viction to any mind, as he conceived it is calin selling its products high, and buying cheap the culated to do, additional_arguments might be wants and conveniences of life, no motive could drawn from the general nature of wealth. be attributed to him but such as were disinter- Neither agriculture, manufactures, nor comested. merce, taken separately, is the cause of wealth; it flows from the three combined, and cannot exist without each. The wealth of any single He had asserted, that the subject before them was connected with the security of the country ~ation, or any individual, it is true, may not imediately depend on the three, but such wealth always presupposes their existence. He viewed the words in the most enlarged sense. Without commerce, industry would have no stimulus; without manufactures, it would be without the means of production; and without agriculture, neither of the others can subsist. When separated entirely and permanently, they perish. War in this country produces, to a great extent, that effect; and hence the great embarrassments which follow in its train. The failure of the wealth and resources of the nation necessarily involved the ruin of its finances and its currency. It is admitted, by the most strenuous advocates on the other side, that no country ought to be dependent on another for its means of defence; that, at least, our musket and bayonet, our cannon and ball, ought to be of domestic manufacture. But what, he asked, isöre necessary to the defence of a country th its currency and finance? Circumstanced as ur country is, can these stand the shock of war? Behold the effect of the late war on them! When our manufactures are grown to a certain perfection, as they soon will under the fostering care of Government, we will no longer experience these evils. The farmer will find a ready market for his surplus produce; and, wat is almost of equal consequence, a certain a. cheap supply of all his wants. His prosperit will diffuse itself to every class in the community; and instead of that languor of industry, and individual distress now incident to a state of war, and suspended commerce, the wealth and vigor of the community will not be materially impaired. The arm of Government will be nerved, and taxes in the hour of danger, when essential to the independence of the nation, may be greatly increased; loans, so uncertain and hazardous, may be less relied on; thus situated, the storm may beat without, but within all will be quiet and safe. To give perfection to this state of things, it will be necessary to add, as soon as possible, a system of internal improvements, and at least such an extension of our navy as will prevent the cutting off our coasting trade. The advantage of each is so striking, as not to require illustration, especially after the experience of the recent war. It is thus the resources of this Government and people would be placed beyond the power of a foreign war materially to impair. But it may be said, that the derangement then experienced resulted, not from the cause assigned, but from the errors or the weakness of the Government. He admitted that many financial blunders were committed, for the subject was new to us; that the taxes were not laid sufficiently early, or to as great an extent as they ought to have been; and that the loans were in some instances injuriously made; but he ventured to affirm, that had the greatest foresight and fortitude been exerted, the embarrassment would have been still very great; and that even under the best management, the total derangement which was VOL V.-41 [H. OF R. actually felt would not have been postponed eighteen months, had the war so long continued. How could it be otherwise? A war, such as this country was then involved in, in a great measure dries up the resources of individuals, as he had already proved; and the resources of the Government are no more than the aggregate of the surplus incomes of individuals, called into action by a system of taxation. It is certainly a great political evil, incident to the character of the industry of this country, that, however prosperous our situation when at peace, with uninterrupted commerce, and nothing then could exceed it, the moment that we were involved in war the whole is reversed. When resources are most needed; when indispensable to maintain the honor, yes, the very existence of the nation, then they desert us. Our currency is also sure to experience the shock, and becomes so deranged, as to prevent us from calling out fairly whatever of means is left to the country. The result of a war in the present state of our naval power, is the blockade of our seacoast, and consequent destruction of our trade. The wants and habits of the country, founded on the use of foreign articles, must be gratified; importation to a certain extent continues, through the policy of the enemy, or unlawful traffic; the exportation of our bulky articles is prevented, too; the specie of the country is drawn to pay the balance perpetually accumulating against us; and the final result is a total derangement of our currency. To this distressing state of things there were two remedies, and only two; one in our power immediately, the other requiring much time and exertion; but both constituting, in his opinion, the essential policy of this country; he meant the Navy, and domestic manufactures. By the former, we could open the way to our markets; by the latter, we bring them from beyond the ocean, and naturalize them. Had we the means of attaining an immediate naval ascendency, he acknowledged that the policy recommended by this bill would be very questionable; but as this is not the fact as it is a period remote, with any exertion, and will be probably more so, from that relaxation of exertion, so natural in peace, when necessity is not felt, it became the duty of this House to resort, to a considerable extent, at least as far as is proposed, to the only remaining remedy. But to this it has been objected, that the country is not prepared, and that the result of our premature exertion would be to bring distress on it, without effecting the intended object. Were it so, however urgent the reasons in its favor, we ought to desist, as it is folly to oppose the laws of necessity. But he could not for a moment yield to the assertion; on the contrary, he firmly believed that the country is prepared, even to maturity, for the introduction of manufactures. We have abundance of resources, and things naturally tend at this moment in that direction. A prosperous commerce has poured an immense amount of commercial capital into this country. This capi The Tariff-Cotton Goods. [APR L, 1816. The country in Europe having the most skilful workmen is broken up. It is to us, if wisely used, more valuable than the repeal of the Edict of Nantz was to England. She had the prudence to profit by it; let us not dis and industry immediate and ample protection, and they will not fail to give a preference to this free and happy country. H. OF R.] tal has, until lately, found occupation in com- and industry. merce; but that state of the world which transferred it to this country, and gave it active employment, has passed away, never to return. Where shall we now find full employment for our prodigious amount of tonnage; where mar-cover less political sagacity. Afford to ingenuity kets for the numerous and abundant products of our country? This great body of active capital, which for the moment has found sufficient employment in supplying our markets, exhaust- It has been objected to this bill, that it will ed by the war, and measures preceding it, must injure our marine, and consequently impair our find a new direction; it will not be idle. What naval strength. How far it is fairly liable to channel can it take but that of manufactures? this charge, he was not prepared to say. He This, if things continue as they are, will be its hoped and believed it would not, at least to any direction. It will introduce a new era in our alarming extent, have that effect immediately; affairs, in many respects highly advantageous, and he firmly believed that its lastingoperation and ought to be countenanced by the Govern- would be highly beneficial to our commerce. ment. Besides, we have already surmounted The trade to the East Indies would certainly be the greatest difficulty that has ever been found much affected; but it was stated in debate that in undertakings of this kind. The cotton and the whole of that trade employed but six hunwoollen manufactures are not to be introduced-dred sailors. But whatever might be the loss they are already introduced to a great extent; in this, or other branches of our foreign comfreeing us entirely from the hazards, and, in a merce, he trusted it would be amply compengreat measure, the sacrifices experienced in sated in our coasting trade-a branch of navigagiving the capital of the country a new direction wholly in our own hands. It has at all tion. The restrictive measures and the war, though not intended for that purpose, have, by the necessary operation of things, turned a large amount of capital to this new branch of industry. He had often heard it said, both in and out of Congress, that this effect alone would indemnify the country for all of its losses. So high was this tone of feeling, when the want of these establishments were practically felt, that he remembered, during the war, when some question was agitated respecting the introduction of foreign goods, that many then opposed it on the ground of injuring our manufactures. He then said that war alone furnished sufficient stimulus, and perhaps too much, as it would make their growth unnaturally rapid; but that, on the return of peace, it would then be time to show our affection for them. He at that time did not expect an apathy and aversion to the extent which is now seen. But it will no doubt be said, if they are so far established, and if the situation of the country is so favorable to their growth, where is the necessity of affording them protection? It is to put them beyond the reach of contingency. Besides, capital is not yet, and cannot, for some time, be adjusted to the new state of things. There is, in fact, from the operation of temporary causes, a great pressure on these establishments. They had extended so rapidly during the late war, that many, he feared, were without the requisite surplus capital or skill to meet the present crisis. Should such prove to be the fact, it would give a back set, and might, to a great extent, endanger their ultimate success. Should the present owners be ruined, and the workmen dispersed and turn to other pursuits, the country would sustain a great loss. Such would, no doubt, be the fact to a considerable extent, if not protected. Besides, circumstances, if we act with wisdom, are favorable to attract to our country much skill times employed a great amount of tonnage, sometimes more, he believed, than one-third of the whole; nor is it liable to the imputation thrown out by a member from North Carolina, (Mr. GASTON,) that it produced inferior sailors. It required long and dangerous voyages; and, if his information was correct, no branch of trade made better or more skilful seamen. The fact that it was wholly in our own hands is a very important one, while every branch of our foreign trade must suffer from competition with other nations. Other objections, of a political character, were made to the encouragement of manufactures. It is said they destroy the moral and physical power of the people. This might formerly have been true to a considerable extent, before the perfection of machinery, and when the success of the manufactures depended on the minute subdivision of labor. At that time it required a large portion of the popula tion of a country to be engaged in them; and every minute subdivision of labor is undoubtedly unfavorable to the intellect; but the great perfection of machinery has in a considerable de gree obviated these objections. In fact, it has been stated that the manufacturing districts in England furnish the greatest number of recruits to her army, and that, as soldiers, they are not materially inferior to the rest of her population. It has been further asserted that manufactures are the fruitful cause of pauperism, and England has been referred to as furnishing conclusive evidence of its truth. For his part, he could preceive no such tendency in them, but the exact contrary, as they furnished new stimulas and means of subsistence to the laboring classes of the community. We ought not to look to the cotton and woollen establishments of Great Britain for the prodigious numbers of poor with which her population was disgraced. Causes much more efficient exist. Her poor laws, and APRIL, 1816.] Regulation of Bank Currency by Taxation. [H. OF R. Mr. NEWTON, in a speech of about two hours, advocated the bill and the protection therein proposed to our manufactures, entering into a full discussion of the general question of promoting domestic fabrics. Mr. HALE moved to modify the motion by reducing the minimum price specifically to fifteen cents per square yard. This motion was decided in the negativeayes 66, noes 72; and the question recurred on Mr. RANDOLPH's motion to strike out the minimum price altogether. SATURDAY, April 6. Regulation of Bank Currency by Taxation. statutes regulating the price of labor, with heavy| taxes, were the real causes. But if it must be so; if the mere fact that England manufactured more than any other country, explained the cause of her having more beggars, it is just as reasonable to refer her courage, spirit, and all her masculine virtues, in which she excels all other nations, with a single exception-he meant our own-in which we might without vanity challenge a pre-eminence. Another objection had been made, which he must acknowledge was better founded, that capital employed in manufacturing produced a greater dependence on the part of the employed, than in commerce, navigation, or agriculture. It is certainly an evil, and to be regretted; but he did not think it a decisive objection to the system, especially when it had incidental political advantages, which, in his opinion, more than counterpoised it. It produced an interest strictly American, as much so as agriculture; in which it had the decided advantage of commerce or navigation. The country will from this derive much advantage. Again, it is calculated to bind together more closely our widely-spread Republic. It will greatly increase our mutual dependence and intercourse; and will, as a necessary consequence, excite an increased attention to internal improvement-a subject every way so intimately connected with the ultimate attainment of national strength, and the perfection of our political institutions. He regarded the fact that it would make the parts adhere more closely; that it would form a new and most powerful cement, far outweighing any political objections that might be urged against the system. In his opinion, the liberty and the union of the country were inseparably united. That as the destruction of the latter would most certainly involve the former, so its maintenance will, with equal certainty, preserve it. He did not speak lightly. He had often and long revolved it in his mind, and he had critically examined into the causes that destroyed the liberty of other States. There are none that apply to us, or apply with a force to alarm. The basis of our Republic is too broad, and its structure too strong to be shaken by them. Its extension and organization will be found to afford effectSEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That, from and ual security against their operation; but let after the said thirty-first day of December next, the it be deeply impressed on the heart of this Secretary of the Treasury shall not authorize or perHouse and country, that while they guarded mit any public money to be deposited, or to continue against the old, they exposed us to a new and to be deposited with any bank or bankers, whose terrible danger-disunion. This single word notes are not payable and paid on demand in the comprehended almost the sum of our political said coins of the United States, or in foreign coins dangers; and against it we ought to be perpet-made current by law as aforesaid. And from and ually guarded. Mr. CUTHBERT answered briefly some of Mr. CALHOUN's arguments. Mr. RANDOLPH entered into a more particular reply to Mr. CALHOUN, and further arguments in support of his opinions. Mr. GASTON also spoke some time in reply to Mr. CALHOUN, and in support of the opinions and statements he advanced on the subject on a former occasion. Mr. CALHOUN, from the Committee on a National Currency, reported a bill for the more effectual collection of revenue in the lawful money of the United States, which was twice read and committed. The bill is as follows: A bill for the more effectual collection of the public revenue, in the lawful money of the United States. Be it enacted, &c., That it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury, as soon as conveniently may be after the passing of this act, to give public notice, in any one or more of the papers published in each and every State or Territory of the United States, that, from and after the thirty-first day of December next, the payment of duties, taxes, debts, and generally of all sums of money whatsoever, which have thereafter accrue and become payable to the United then accrued and become payable, or which shall States, or to any public officer, agent, or other person, for their use, will be demanded in the gold, silver and copper coins of the United States, or in such foreign coins as have been, or shall be made current by law. And from and after the said thirty-first day of December next, it shall not be lawful for any public officer, agent, or other person whomsoever, employed in the collection or receipt of the revenue, or other public money whatsoever, to accept or allow payment of any such duties, taxes, debts, or sums of money whatsoever, in any other medium than in the That it shall be lawful for the Secretary of the Treas said coins, or in Treasury notes: Provided always, ury to authorize and permit, as heretofore, the notes of any bank or bankers which are payable and paid on demand in the said coins, to be accepted and allowed in all payments to the United States. after the said thirty-first day of December, all public moneys shall be deposited in such secure place, in the States and Territories respectively, as the SecPresident of the United States, shall designate and retary of the Treasury, with the approbation of the appoint. SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That, from and after the said thirty-first day of December next, it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to cause legal measures to be taken for enforcing a lawful payment of all sums of money due to the United |