and third, a Council or Upper House selected by ware, New Jersey and New York. New Hampthe representatives of the people with the con-hire, although unrepresented by delegates, had currence or subject to the negative of the royal pledged her people in advance to abide by the Governor. For many years the Colonial Leg result, and Georgia evinced her interest in the islatures had exercised the exclusive and un matter by sending a messenger a thousand miles questioned right of levying all the internal by land to obtain a copy of the proceedings. taxes which were imposed upon the col Virginia and North Carolina were not in any onists, and of granting or refusing such sup- way representod in this first American Congress, plies to the King as to the Legislature might although they were both in full sympathy with seem proper. With perhaps a single excep the people of the other colonies tion, no reasonable complaint could be made As bearing on the formation and nature of the against any of the colonies of a want of liber- American Union, it is interesting and important ality in responding to the King's requisitions for to note the manner in which this first Congress supplies. The colonists in isted that being was constituted. Did it represent the local coBitish subjects, they were entitled to all the lonial governments of the respective colonies, or rights of British citizenship, and that as resi did it represent the people? To answer this dent citizens of England could not be taxed question, it is only necessary to State the manexcept with the consent of their representatives ner in which the delegates were appointed. In in the House of Commons, and as it was im- Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, practicable that the colonies should be repre Pennsylvania, Maryland and South Carolina, sented in Parliament, it fo lowed that the peo- the Governor and Council, both constituent ple of the colonies could only be taxed with the parts of the legislative power, were entirely igconsent of their representatives in the Colonial nored, and the appointments were made by the Legislative Assemblies. Parliament, on the House of Representatives. other hand, claimed the unlimited power of legislating for the colonies in all cases whatso

ever.

In Delaware and New Jersey the popular branch of the Legislature did not even act in its organized capacity, but the delegates from those colonies were named by letters of appointment. signed by the individual members of the Houses of Representatives of these colonies respectively; and in New York the Legislative Committee of Correspondence, appointed by the popular branch of the Legislature of that colony, constituted its delegates to the Congress.

Here, then, was an issue between the people of the colonies on the one had, and the Parliament on the other, which could only be settled by the yielding of one party to the claims of the ocher, or by the stern arbitrament of the sword The history of the times, and the facts set forth in the Declaration of Independence, show how reluctant the Fathers were to resort to extreme Here then, we see that in be first Continental measures for redress of grievances They say in Congress the delegate did not represent the lothat instrument hat at every stage of the op-cal governments of their respective colonies, but pressions of which they complained they had that they did represent the people of the colopetitioned for redress in the most humble man nies from which they were sent. That they were ner, but that their petitions had been answered appointed not by the local governments but by by repeated injury. the popular branches of the Colonial Assemblies, as the immediate and most convenient organs of the popular will.

How calm, considerate and dignified was the conduct of the men of the Revolution when com pared with the proceedings of those who recently rebelled against the authority of a government in which they were not only fully represented, but over which the exercised an undue control In the one case every peaceable measure was ex hausted for the redress of real grievances, and esistance was only sanctioned as a last resort In the other, without any real cause of com plaint, war was invoked as a remedy against apprehended evils Looking a these two examples of resistance to constituted authority in the light of their respective results, who can doubt that God is just, or that He governs in the afairs of men?

The stamp act received the royal assent on the 22d day of March, 1765 and thereby the power of Parliament to tax the colonies in the absence of representation was attempted to be exercised to the fullest extent and in the most oppressive manner,

On the 6th day of June, of the same year, in the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, James Otis, of Boston, advised the calling of an American Congress, which should come together without asking the consent of the King, and should consist of committees from each of the Thirteen colonies, to be appointed respectively by the delegates of the people without regard to the other branches of the legislature."

The Congress thus assembled entered immediately on the consideration of the grounds on which they would base their efforts to vindicate American liberty and American rights. Whether they should build on the rights secured by their respective charters or on natural justice became the question. Some were for relying on their charters and pleading the rights thus secured, but Christopher Gadsden of South Carolina, saw that this was basing American liberty on too narrow a foundation and would result in division and destruction, as their charters differed and some of the colonies had no charters from the Crown at all.

"We should stand," (said this sturdy patriot) "upon the broad, common ground of those natural rights that we all feet and know as men, and as the descendants of Englishmen-I wish the charters may not ensnare us at last by drawing different colonies to act differently in this great cause. Whenever this is the case, all will be over with the whole. There should be no New England man, no New Yorker on the continent, but all of us Americans"

was

"These views" (says Bancroft) "prevailed, and in the proceedings of the Congress the argument for American liberty from royal gran's avoided. This is the first great step towards independence. Dummer has pleaded for colony charters; Livingston. Gadsden, and the Congress of 1765 provided for American se f-existence and Union by claiming rights that preceded charters, and would survive their run.

The suggestion was adopted. Otis and two other members of the Massachusetts House of Repre entatives were appointed delegates to the proposed Congress, and letters were sen to every legislative assembly on the continent "proposing that committees of the several assemblies should It is worthy of remark that the question bemeet at New York on the first Tuesday of the tween chartered rights and natural justice has following Jctober, to consult together and con- repeated itself in our subsequent history. Those sider of a united representation to implore re-in after years who have been the peculiar advolief. cates of State sovereignty are the legitimate deIn pursuance of similar action on the part ofcendants of the men who, in our controversy other colonies, the first continental Congress with Great Britain, were willing to base Amerimet in the city of New York, on the 7th day of can liberty on no firmer foundation than the October, 1765 It consisted of delegates from words of a King contained in a royal charter, a Massachusetts. Rhode Island, Connecticut, royal proprietory grant, or a royal governor's Pennsylvania, Maryland, South Carolina, Dela-commission; while those who have manfully in

sisted on the paramount sovereignty of the en-jan agreement of non-intercourse with the mothtire American People, have with Gadsden and the Continental Congress of 1765 always main tained that human rights are older and more acred than mere chartered rights, and that charters and constitutions are only valuable as they tend to secure natural rights and promote human happiness

er country, which was signed by all the membera and recommended to the people for their adop tion until their grievances should be fully redressed. They adjourned on the 26th day of October, having first recommended that another Congress of all the Colonies should be held at Philadelphia, on the 10th day of May, 1775, unThe Stamp Act, the passage of which gave less their grievances should be betore that time birth to the Congress of 1765, having been re redressed, and that delegates to the new Conpealed in 1766, that Congress never reassembled gress should be appointed without delay. and had no successor untill 1774. In the mean- In the mean time, the Colonial Government of rime the controversy went on between the Massachusetts was revolutionized Parliament British government and the Colonies, as to the had a tempted to subvert their charter by changpowers of the former over the latter The forming the mode of selecting the Council, so as to of the exactions was changed, but the substance insure the subservieney of that branch of the was insisted upon with increased pertinacity. Port duties on the necessaries of life were sub stituted for stamp taxes, and the legality of their assessment was denied and their collec tion resisted with the same sturdy determination that had been previously put forth in relation to the Stamp Aet

Again, Union became the watchword of the people, and "Join or Die" rang out as the motto of these real Sons of Liberty.

As early as July, 1773. Dr. Franklin advised the assembling of a general Congress of all the Colonies, giving as a reason for this advice, that the strength of an empire depends not only on the union of its parts, but on their readiness for a united exertion of their common force."

Virginia, although unrepres uted in the Con tinental Congress of 1765, was the first to move in the eall of that of 1774. The House of Burgesses of Virginia met in May, 1774, and soon after the meeting news was received that the port of Boston was to be closed by an act of Par-i liament on the first day of June following They forthwith passed an order designating that day as a day of fasting humiliation and prayer. to implore the Divine interposition for averting the heavy calamity which threatened destruc tion to their civil rights and the evils of civil war, and to give them "one heart and one mind firmly to oppose, by all just and proper means, every injury to American rights."

Legislature to the Crown and Parliament. Popular indignation was so aroused by this fresh act of aggression. that the new Councillors were compelled to resign. Writs of election had been issued for a new House of Representatives, but the royal Governor, in consequence of the compulsory resignation of the Councilors, countermanded by proclamation the writs of election. The people, in disregard of the Governor & proclamation, held their elections, and the members elect met pursuant to the precepts. There being no council, and the Governor failing to recognize the members elected to the House of Representatives, of course they had no power under the Charter to legislate. The members of the House adjourned from Salem to Cambridge, and resolved themselves into a Provinciar Congress, and the people of the colony sanctioned this proceeding by generally yielding obedience to their authority.

On the 19th of April, 1775, the battle of Lexaton was fought, and on the 10th of the succeeding month the Continental Congress met in Philadelphia. The delegates had been chosen partly by conventions of the people, and partly by the popular branch of such of the Colonial Legislatures as were then in session: but these latter appointments were all subsequently ratified by conventions of the people.

At the opening of the session all the colonies were represented except Georgia and Rhode IsThis action, as might have been and doubtless land, and five days afterwards the delegates of was expected, brought down upon them the dis the latter appeared, leaving Georgia alone unpleasure of the royal Governor, wno immediate-represented. Congress continued in session unly dissolved the House. But the members im- til the first day of August, when they took a mediately reassembled in another pace, and de- recess to the 5th day of September. Soon after clared that all the Colonies had a jint interest their reassembling, all the colonies including in the la e proceeding of parliam nt, and ad Georgia, were represented, Civil war had actuvised the calling of a general Continental on- ally commenced, and Congress at once became gress In accordance with this recommendation the organ of the united resistance of the colonies convention of the people of Virginia was held, to the mother country. it at once assumed the by which seven persons were appointed co rep- control of the legislation of the continent, and resent the people of that colony in a General instead of considering itself the of the Congress to be held at Philadelphia in the follocal colonial governments it acted as the reprelowing September.

sentative of majesty of a united people, and Massachusetts promptly seconded the motion advised tre colonies what they should do in the of Virginia for a Congress, and other colonies matter of reconstructing their local governsoon followed their example by appointing dele ments, put the country in a state of defense, and gates Here again the delegates were the repre assumed control of the military operations of sentatives of the people and not the representa- the colonies. It devised ways and means for tives of the local colonial governments. They conducting the war, organized a continental or were appointed either by conventions of the peo- national army by adopting the army raised ple or by the popular branches of the legislatures by the New England Provinces. and acting for the people. then under the command of General Ward, and These delegates met at Philadelphia in Con-b directing troops to be raised by Pennsylvania, gress on the 5th day of September. 1774, and Maryland and Virginia, to join the army near designated themselves in their proceedings as Boston, which was designated by Congress as the The Delegates appointed by the good people of American Continental Army; and was ordered the Colonies" All the Colonies were repre- to be paid out of the Continental treasury. On sented in this Congress except Georgia. the 15th day of June. 1775. George Washington, Being without a written constitution or com one of the delegates from Virginia. was unanimpact of union, and not get seriously contemplat-ously chosen by Congre-s to be the Commander ing independence, the Congress of 1774 in imi- in Chief of the Continental forces. In Washingtation of hat of 1765, resolved that each colony ton's commission, the style of "the United Colon should have one vote, but to prevent this from ies" was for the first time adopted, and the debeing drawn into precedent they declared a afense of American liberties was assumed as the reason for this action that they could not pro- great object of the Union In a letter of instruccure reliable data for determining the import-tions which accompanied this commission, the anee of each Colony. General was enjoined by Congress to make it his special care that the liberties of America received no detriment.

This Congress, after declaring the rights of the people of the Colonies and setting forth the grievances of which they complained, prepared

Here then we have a national Congress, a na

tional Army, a national Treasury and a national knowledges her previous colonial condition and Usion, without a single State in the Union her want of equality of station among the powers What then becomes of the oft-rep ated assump- of the earth. Each of the States was born inde tion that the States made the Union, and can therefore unmake it at pleasure by withdrawing therefrom?

pendent in the Union, but not independent of the Union. And the State that would destroy the Union would become the murderer of the mother who bore her.

The Continental Congress finding that their cherished idea of a reconciliation with the Are we told that the articles of confederation mother country on the basis of justice and free which preceded the Constitution of the United dom was a delusive hope, on the Fourth day of States, was a compact by its terms between indeJuly, 1776. adopted the Declaration of Indepen-pendent sovereign States? This must be grantdence, the Colonies voting usanimously there for, and sent it forth to the world.

What evidence does this instrument contain as to the pre-existence of the Union and its na ture? Let it speak for itself, and judge ye whether its utterances are doubtful either as to the existence of the Union, or the authority upon which Congress acted in making the declaration.

Its first sentence reads as follows: "When, in the course of human events, it be comes necessary for OE PEOPLE to dissolve the political bonds which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect for the opinions of man kind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separa ion.

ed, but with the admission should go the fact that these articles of confederation never were ratified and never became effectual until the war of the Revolution had nearly been concluded. The ratification took place and Congress first met under them in 1781 and peace came in 1783. The Union was a verity for six years and more prior to the ratification of these articles, and they being a departure from the grand principle of national unity, announced in the Declaration of Independence, were soon given up for the Constitution of the United States, which again spoke the national will by the authority, not of the States, but of one united people.

One other historical incident bearing upon the same point, and I conclude this branch of the subject.

When the Commissioners of France, Great Britain and the United States met in Paris, in One People! What stronger or more emphatic August, 1782, to conclude a treaty of peace, the expression could have been employed to indicate British Commissioner produced a commission in the oneness of our beloved country? The clause the language of a then recent act of Parliament, just quoted from the Declaration shows that by which the King was authorized to conclude a prior to and on the mo ning of the 4th day of a peace with certain colonies therein named, July. 1776, there were political bonds connecting the thirteen colonies being named separately in the One People of the thirteen colonies with an- the act Mr. Jay, one of the American Commisother people, even the people of Great Britain: ioners, objected to the sufficiency of this authat this connection prevented this "One Peo-thority and refused to proceed with the negotiaple" from exercising among the Powers of the tions until the British Commissioner returned earth that sovereignty to which they were enti- and procured instructions authorizing him to tled, but which they had never possessed; and treat with "the Commissioners of the United for the purpose of dissolving this connection States of America" and the treaty was then and enabling this One People to assume among made between France, Great Britian and the the Powers of the earth the separate and equal United States; the Commissioners of each represtation which was rightfully theirs, is the declar senting one sovereign and independent power ed object of this immortal instrument Our This historical review clearly shows that Mr. fathers, in declaring their independence, did not Lincoln was right when he declared in his first usher into the world thirteen independent sov-m ssage to Congress that "the States have their ereign nations or States; but they did introduce status in the Union, and they have no other legal into the family of nations one people, one na status. If they br ak from this, they can only do tion, composed of the united people of thirteen so against law and by revolution. The Union, and colonies, bound together in the same bundle of not themselves separately, procured their indethe Union, and they claimed for this "One Pependence and their liberty. By conquest or purple" one, and only one, separate and equal place chase the Union gave each of them whatever of among the Powers of the earth. Let us thank independence or liberty it bas. The Union is the Ruler of the Universe that His Providence made good the declaration of 1776, and through that same Providence directing the minds, nerving the arms and encouraging the hearts of the patriotic. brave and good men of our own generation, we are to-day, after the lapse of nearly a century, still one people, occupying one, and only one, separate and equal station among the Powers of the world.

But the evidence contained in the declaration in favor of our national unity and the paramount sovereignty of the people of the entire Union does not stop here Let me quote in your hearing a portion of its concluding sentence. It reads thus:

"We therefore, the representatives of the United States of America in general Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do in the name and by the authority of the good people of these colonies solmenly publish and declare that these United Colonies are, and of right, ought to be free and independent States."

Here is the title deed of our nationality made in the name and by the authority of the good people of the United Colonies, acting through their chosen representatives in the general Con gress. Does any one of the original thirteen States claim to be sovereign and independent? If so she is estopped from dating her sovereignty and independence prior to the Fourth day of July, 1776, for in the declaration she ac

older than any of the States, and in fact it created them as States Originally some dependent colonies made the Union and in turn the Union threw off their dependence for them, and made them States such as they are. Not one of them ever had a State constitution independent of the Union."

So spoke the "good President to his countrymen, and, though being dead, so he still speaks. May the people over heed his words, and remember that the Union has been the source of all our political blessings in the past, and is the foundation cf all our hopes for the future.

The Declaration of Independence, as we have seen, assumed the previous existence of the Union, and declared the national independence. It did more, it proclaimed the inalienable righ's of men, and these rights thus proclaimed, consti tute another of the broad deep foundations of American institutions and introduces the second topic proposed for your consideration.

in the light of the grand historic transactions of the last six ears which have so gloriously vindicated our national unity may we not to-day repeat with a new emphasis the words of our fathers that "We hold these truths to be self evident; that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, bberty and the pursuit of happiness."

This sublime utterance was as I have said one of the broad, deep foundations upon which the

fathers of the Republic built the infant nation, and though they and we as to a portion of our people for a time practically ignored the truths thus uttered, under the alternate smiles and . chastenings of the Supreme Judge of the world, to whom they appealed for the rectitude of their intentions, we have grown and prospered until the Grand Republic has become the beacon light as well as the marvel of the world.

Although the Constitution of the United States corrected the error which had been comThe Declaration of Independence does not mitted in the Articles of Confederation, as to the nature of our Union, and the relation of the sev- proclaim the absurd doctrine that all men of the eral parts to each other, and to the whole, and same race are created equal, and that as among so far restored us to the principles of the Decla- themselves they are entitied to certain inalienration of Independence it recognized, while able rights, but that as to other races they are ashamed to pronounce or record the name of not equal, and do not possess, or may be despoilthat monster iniquity, chattle and hereditary ed of their rights. Again, if a superior race may slavery. Thus we presented to the world the deny to an inferior race the enjoyment of equal spectacle of a great republic built on the founda- and impartial rights, why may not a superior tion of a perfect equality of rights among men, man deny to an inferior man of the same race and yet practically denying to a portion of its the same thing? I defy mortal man to show people the enjoyment of all their rights. Slavery why the logic that proves the one proposition so blinded the minds and hardened the hearts of will not prove the other. The result of such the nation that the national government, in all logic would be that the most superior man in the its departments, executive, legislative and judi- nation must govern all the rest, and to be con cial, bowed down at the shrine of the mon- sistent we would all have to bow to some shrewd ster. It claimed protection under the flag of fellow like Louis Napoleon, and say, "We await freedom wherever it floated, and denounced your superior pleasure; your will is the law; y u as traitors and infidels all who denied its pre- are the Government by divine right of superiorof ity" tensions, At last, under the pretence vindicating the Constitution, it attempted to overthrow the Republic, and build upon it ruins a political monstrosity, called a confederacy, of which human bondage instead of the inalienable rights of man was to be the chief corner stone. Although the national conscience was so debauched as to be no longer able to perceive the horrors of slavery, a vast majority of the people still loved the Union of their fathers, and God in his goodness made this love our schoolmaster to bring us back to the love of liberty, not as a mere sentiment, but as a By living, energizing universal principle. showing the nation that either the Union or slavery must die, he educated us up to the point that sanctioned the issuing of the proclamation that rung out freedom to the land and to all the inhabitants thereof; and the people said Amen; and the Grand Army of the Republic Said Amen; and slavery died amidst its wor-is reached the better will it be for the country, shippers, the Union was saved, and a regenerated Republic shouted Amen.

If one man or one race of men is weaker tban, or inferior, to another, is it not an imputation upon the wisdom and justice of the God of Nature to assert that the weaker man or weaker race is endowed by nature with inferior rights; that the Supreme Ruler of the universe so legislates as not to protect the weak against the strong, but the strong against the weak. That He is the God of the proud the arrogant, and the powerful, but not the God of the weak and the lowly. That he is a respecter of persons, That justice will be done, and impartial rights but not a respecter of righteousness. Surely such doctrines find no sanction in the Declara accorded, and that, too, at no distant day, by all tion of Independence, or in the teachings of the loyal States, should not be doubted, and if, Him who enjoined that "all things whatsoever in the end, it shall be found that one or two ye would that men should do to you, do ye even semi-loyal States have bound themselves to the so to them, for this is the law and the prophets." dead past, and are determined not to profit by If one man or race of men claims superior the lessons of experience, with all the other rights and greater protection from society and States firmly planted on the immutable princigovernment in the battle of life, because of his ples of right and justice, and with all the powor its supposed superiority to another man or er of the General Government on the side of another race, prudence would seem to dictate freedom and equal rights, how easy will it not

be to bring up these reluctant States to the com- you have associated yourselves together under mon level by an amendment of the constitution, the name of the Grand Army of the Republic. without a resort to the exercise of doubtful Con- We bid your brotherhood God speed, and trust gressional powers. that the blessing of the Father of all, and the benedictions of a grateful people may attend each of you through life.

Gentlemen of the Grand Army of the Republic, allow me, on behalf of myself and the Trustees of the Soldier's Home, to thank you for your presence and for your participation in the laying of the corner stone of this Home for your disabled comrades. You have illustrated your devotion to the Union, and to the great principies upon which our institutions are based, on many a well contested field, and your State and your country recognize you as the worthy descendants of the noble men who declared and achieved our independence.

And to you the honored inmates of this Home I desire to say that however much we may regret that the provision made for its establish ment and your comfort, is not as ample as could have been desired, still you may rest assured that the people of Indiana in greatful recognition of your services, toils and sufferings, will in due time supply all that may be lacking to make this institution a Home for those who gave for their country all that man can give, life only excepted. That you may lead peaceful and happy lives in this institution, and at last through the mediation of the Son, be admitted to the Father's House in which there are many mansions, is not only the prayer of myself, but the

To perpetuate friendships formed on the march, on the battlefield, and around your camp fires during the war, to keep the fires of liberty ever bright and burning on the altar of your hearts, and to minister to the wants of your brother soldiers when trouble or distress overtake them,prayer of all present.