At Redstone Old Fort, or Pittsburg, they can either buy a boat, which will cost them about 5s. per ton, or freight their goods to Kentucky for about is. per cwt. There is no regular business of this sort; but as there are always boats coming down the river, Is. per cwt. is the common charge for freight. But more frequently when there is boat room to spare, it is given to such as are not able to purchase a boat, or have not a knowledge of the navigation. However, that is a business which requires no skill, and there are always numbers of people coming down, who will readily conduct a boat for the sake of a passage. The distance from Philadelphia by land to Kentucky is between seven and eight hundred miles; from Baltimore nearly seven hundred; nearly six hundred from Alexandria; and upwards of five hundred from Richmond. The roads and accommodations are tolerably good to the borders of the Wilderness; through which it is hardly possible for a carriage to pass, great part of the way being over high and steep hills, upon the banks of the rivers and along defiles, which in some places seem to threaten you at every step with danger. This is the only route the people coming from the upper parts of Virginia and North Carolina can take at present to get into the country; the gap of Cumberland mountain being the only place it can be passed without the greatest difficulty. The opening the Tenasee will afford a convenient communication with the Mississippi. The Wilderness, which was formerly two hundred miles through, without a single habitation, is reduced from the settlement of Powel's Valley, to nearly one half of that distance; and it is to be expected that in a few years more that the remainder of the distance will afford settlements for the accommodation of people travelling that route; when a good road may be made quite to Kentucky. The canals I have spoken of which are cutting on the Potowmac, and the removal of the obstructions in Cheat river, will render the passage from Alexandria, or the federal city to the Ohio, both cheap and easy. Gilbert] Imlay, A Topographical Description of the Western Territory of North America (London, 1792), 141–148. 36. "Peopling the Western Country" (1785) BY PHILIP FRENEAU Freneau was a man of literary versatility, chiefly remembered for his abuse of Washington while editor of the National Gazette and Jefferson's protégé. — For Freneau, the poet, see Duyckinck, Cyclopædia of American Literature, 1, 327-348; Tyler, Literary History of the Revolution, I, 171–183, 413–425. T western woods, and lonely plains, From Europe's proud, despotic shores Where no proud despot holds him down, What charming scenes attract the eye, From these fair plains, these rural seats, Where other streams, less pleasing, flow, Great Sire of floods! whose varied wave Ten thousand streams to swell thy sway! Nor idly through the forests rove; Nor longer shall thy princely flood Far other ends the fates decree And commerce plans new freights for thee. While virtue warms the generous breast, Forsaking kings and regal state, The east is half to slaves consign'd, O come the time, and haste the day, Far brighter scenes, a future age, And happier systems bring to view Philip Freneau, Stanzas on the Emigration to America, and Peopling the Western Country, in Poems (Philadelphia, 1786), 378-380. PART III THE CONFEDERATION CHAPTER VI-A ROPE OF SAND 37. The Revenue Plan (1783) BY DELEGATE JOSEPH JONES Jones was a member of Congress from Virginia and a friend of Washington, to whom this letter was addressed. - Bibliography: Channing and Hart, Guide, § 151.— For finances during the Revolution, see Contemporaries, II, Nos. 206–208. PHILADA, 27th February, 1783. ONGRESS have been for some time past almost wholly em ployed in devising some general and adequate funds for paying the interest and, in time, sinking the principal, of the public debt, as well as to provide for future loans, should the continuance of the war render borrowing necessary. Difficulties, apparently insurmountable, presented themselves in almost every stage of the business, owing to the different circumstances of the several States, and the necessity that the subjects selected for taxation to form the funds should operate throughout them all, generally and equally, or nearly so, to make them acceptable. After opening and discussing a variety of questions, no object has been yet discovered, to which so few objections lie, as the impost duty formerly recommended to the States, and which, with some alterations from the former plan to obviate the objections that have been raised, has been agreed to in a Committee of the Whole, and will I think be finally adopted. What this duty when granted by the States will amount to annually is very uncertain. In time of peace there can be no doubt but it will be considerable, and for years prove an increasing fund; but it is thought by no means adequate to the payment of the interest and sinking the principal of the public debt. Other means - have, therefore, been considered in aid of the impost duty-land, polls, salt, wine, spirits, tea, &c. These last being what are called luxuries it is thought may bear a small tax in addition to the impost duty. I fear at present that few of these will go down, and that we shall be obliged at last to rest the payment of the public debt upon the mode prescribed by the Confederation (requisitions, proportioned on the States according to the value of land, buildings, &c.-a plan for obtaining which scale of proportion has been digested and agreed upon in Congress, and will immediately go on to the States,) and the produce of the 5 per cent. duty, if granted. A small poll tax, did not the Constitution of Maryland stand in the way, might probably succeed, as it would operate more equally perhaps than any other, and may be adopted, allowing Maryland to substitute some other adequate and productive fund in its room. A short time will bring to a conclusion our efforts on this business, which I am in hopes will terminate in the adoption of such measures as may be acceptable to the States, and produce the granting such funds as will restore public credit, give value to the great mass of depreciated certificates, and enable Congress to render to every class of the public creditors ample justice. Congress have the purest intentions towards the public creditors, and will use their best exertions in obtaining from the States the means to do them speedy and complete justice. Such is their opinion of the merit and services of the army, that did it not wound the sense of justice, they want not the inclination to give them the preference to any other class of creditors. But equity and sound policy forbid discriminations. One ground of discontent in the army, and on which they found the opinion that justice is not intended to be done to them, is the delay in complying with their requests. But with those acquainted with the deliberations of public bodies, and especially if so mixed a body as that of Congress, allowances will be made for slow determination. Every class of public creditors must know the inability of Congress to pay their demands, unless furnished with the means by the several States, and the exertions of that body have not been wanting heretofore to obtain the means, though they have not produced the desired effect. The measures now digesting will, there is good reason to expect, prove more efficacious for obvious reasons. Reports are freely circulated here that there are dangerous combinations in the army, and within a few days past it has been said that they are about to declare that they will not disband until their demands are |