Countries with which reciprocity agreements were made under act of 1897. Switzerland. d Exports Portugal.c Imports from Exports Imports Dollars. Dollars. Dollars. Dollars. Dollars. Dollars. Dollars. Dollars. 1895 61,580,509 45,149,137 20,851,761 16,363,125 1,690,668 2,971,396 14,988,954 17,578 1896. 66,266,967 47,040,660 22,142,487 19,143,606 2,255,731 3,156,991 14,080,033 32,954 1897. 67,530,231 57,594,541 19,067,352 21,502,423 2,234,291 2,520,058 13,849,782 70,871 1898. 52,730,848 95,459,290 24,832,746 25,031,940 2,975,504 4,132,400 14,826,480 267,732 1899 62,146,055 60,596,899 20,332,637 23,290,858 2,605,370 3,532,057 11,380,835 1900. 73,012,085 83,335,097 27,924,176 33,256,620 3,743,216 5,886,542 1901. 75,458,739 78,714,927 24,618,384 34,473, 189 3,370,430 5,294,240 1902 82,880,036 71,512,984 30,554,931 31,388,135 3,179,449 17,393,268 1903. 90,050, 172 77,285,239 36,246,412 85,032,680 3,483,562 1901 81,410,347 84,279,480 38,628,579 38,740,067 6,439,207 3,652,194 21,183,328 1905 83,830,445 76,337,471 33,158,042 35,720,001 5,243,587 1,935,118 19,534,439 1906. 108,415,350 97,892,480 40,597,556 48,081,740 5,139,708 1,462,763 23,421,242 399,366 127,803,407 113,604,692 50,455, 157 61,746,965 6,479,500 2,787,422 26,830,474 612,579 101,000,000 116,000,000 44,000,000 54,000,000 5,000,000 3,000,000 25,000,000 610,000 Treaty period June 1, 1898 still in force. The administration of of enjoying this is to be condemned. -Hon. Wm. H. Taft, at Columbus, Ohio. and so clog efficient and just executive or legislative action. ever, that appeals to judicial remedies should be limited in such a way that parties will not use them merely to delay by which a suitor, however unpopular or poor, is deprived a government of the people can strive for, and any means by the threats of the demagogue, is the highest ideal that fear or favor, unmoved by the influence of the wealthy or exact justice by It is important, howcourts without Ambassador to Germany. producers of every kind a home market. LL. D., Ex-president University of Rochester and present if they competed against each other.-David J. Hill, D. D., surplus of wage-earners who would divide and reduce wages ing from the nonprotected industries and from agriculture a thetic effect of high wages generally, and (b) by withdrawtries, but elevates wages in every sphere (a) by the sympathe laborer's reward is not confined to the protected indusdiversifying the kinds of labor in a country and thus differof labor (a) by creating a demand for skilled labor, (b) by entiating both demand and supply, and (c) by making for A protective tariff unquestionably increases the rewards This increase of Commerce between the United States and Canada, 1850 to 1908 [Official figures from Bureau of Statistics.] Protection alone insures American labor against European pauper wages.-Former Senator Casey, in the American Economist. The civilized world substantially protects itself, thus forcing us to protect ourselves.-Hon. D. B. Henderson, in the American Economist. We ask that sober and sensible men compare the workings of the present tariff law and the conditions which obtain under it with the workings of the preceding tariff law of 1894 and the conditions which that tariff of 1894 helped to bring about.-President Roosevelt's speech accepting 1904 nomination. I believe that a navy is the greatest insurer of peace that we could possibly have-a navy commensurate with our resources, and commensurate with our coast line, and commensurate with the number of dependencies we have, and commensurate with our population, and commensurate with our influence as a world power.-Hon, Wm. H. Taft, at Cleveland, Ohio. Trade of the United States with Cuba, 1880 to 1908. While providing revenue for the support of the General Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imposts as to encourage the development of the industrial interests of the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges which secures to the workingmen liberal wages, to agriculture remunerative prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the Nation commercial pros perity and independence. (1864 and 1868 no special reference to tariff.) 1872 The annual revenue, after paying current expenditures, pensions, and the interest on the public debt, should furnish a moderate balance for the reduction of the principal, and that revenue, except so much as may be derived from a tax on tobacco and liquors, should be raised by duties upon importations, the details of which should be so adjusted as to aid in securing remunerative wages to labor, and promote the industries, prosperity, and growth of the whole country. 1876 The revenue necessary for current expenditures and the obligations of the public debt must be largely derived from duties upon importations, which, so far as possible, should be adjusted to promote the interests of American labor and advance the prosperity of the whole country. 1880 We reaffirm the belief avowed in 1876, that the duties levied for the purpose of revene should so discriminate as to favor American labor. 1884 It is the first duty of a good Government to protect the rights and promote the interests of its own people. The largest diversity of industry is most productive of general prosperity and of the comfort and independence of the people. We, therefore, demand that the imposition of duties on foreign imports shall be made not "for revenue only," but that in raising the requisite revenues for the Government such duties shall be so levied as to afford security to our diversified industries and protection to the rights and wages of the laborer, to the end that active and intelligent labor, as well as capital, may have its just reward and the laboring man his full share in the national prosperity. Against the so-called economic system of the Democratic party, which would degrade our labor to the foreign standard, we enter our earnest protest. The Democratic party has failed completely to relieve the people of the burden of unnecessary taxation by a wise reduction of the surplus. The Republican party pledges itself to correct the inequalities of the tariff and to reduce the surplus, not by the vicious and indiscriminate process of horizontal reduction, but by such methods as will relieve the taxpayer without injuring the labor or the great productive interests of the country. We recognize the importance of sheep-husbandry in the United States, the serious depression which it is now experiencing and the danger threatening its future prosperity; and we, therefore, respect the demands of the representatives of this important agricultural interest for a readjustment of duties upon foreign wool in order that such industry shall have full and adequate protection. 1888 We are uncompromisingly in favor of the American system of protection; we protest against its destruction as proposed by the President and his party. They serve the interests of Europe; we will support the interests of America. We accept the issue and confidently appeal to the people for their judgment. The protective system must be maintained. Its abandonment has always been followed by general disaster to all interests, except those of the usurer and the sheriff. We denounce the Mills bill as destructive to the general business, the labor, and the farming interests of the country, and we heartily indorse the consistent and patriotic action of the Republican representatives in Congress in opposing its passage. We condemn the proposition of the Democratic party to place wool on the free list, and we insist that the duties thereon shall be adjusted and maintained so as to furnish full and adequate protection to that industry throughout the United States. The Republican party would effect all needed reduction of the national revenue by repealing the taxes upon tobacco, which are an annoyance and burden to agriculture, and the tax upon spirits used in the arts and for mechanical purposes, and by such revision of the tariff laws as will tend to check imports of such articles as are produced by our people, the production of which gives employment to our labor, and re lease from import duties those articles of foreign production (except luxuries) the like of which cannot be produced at home. If there shall still remain a larger revenue than is requisite for the wants of the Government, we favor the entire repeal of internal taxes rather than the surrender of any part of our protective system, at the joint behests of the whisky trusts and the agents of foreign manufactures. 1892 We reaffirm the American doctrine of protection. We call attention to its growth abroad. We maintain that the prosperous condition of our country is largely due to the wise revenue legislation of the last Republican Congress. We believe that all articles which cannot be produced in the United States, except luxuries, should be admitted free of duty, and that on all imports coming into competition with the products of American labor there should be levied duties equal to the dif ference between wages abroad and at home. We assert that the prices of manufactured articles of general consumption have been reduced under the operations of the tariff act of 1890. We denounce the efforts of the Democratic majority of the House of Representatives to destroy our tariff laws by piecemeal, as manifested by their attacks upon wool, lead, and lead ores, the chief product of a number of States, and we ask the people for their judgment thereon, 1896 We renew and emphasize the allegiance to the policy of protection as the bulwark of American industrial independence and the foundation of American development and prosperity. This true American policy taxes foreign products and encourages home industry; it puts the burden of revenue on foreign goods; it secures the American market for the American producer; it upholds the American standard of wages for the American workingman; it puts the factory by the side of the farm, and makes the American farmer less dependent on foreign demand and price; it diffuses general thrift, and founds the strength of all on the strength of each. In its reasonable application it is just, fair, and impartial; equally opposed to foreign control and domestic monopoly, to sectional discrimination, and individual favoritism. We denounce the present Democratic tariff as sectional, injurious to the public credit, and destructive to business enterprise. We demand such an equitable tariff on foreign imports which come into competition with American products as will not only furnish adequate revenue for the necessary expenses of the Government, but will protect American labor from degradation to the wage level of other lands. We are not pledged to any particular schedules. The question of rates is a practical question, to be governed by the conditions of the time and of production; the ruling and uncompromising principle is the protection and development of American labor and industry. The country demands a right settlement, and then it wants rest. 1900 We renew our faith in the policy of Protection to American labor. In that policy our industries have been established, diversified, and maintained. By protecting the home market competition has been stimulated and production cheapened. Opportunity to the inventive genius of our people has been secured and wages in every department of labor maintained at high rates, higher now than ever before, and always distinguishing our working people in their better condition of life from those of any competing country. Enjoying the blessings of the American common school, secure in the right of selfgovernment, and protected in the occupancy of their own markets, their constantly increasing knowledge and skill have enabled them to finally enter the markets of the world. We favor the associated policy of reciprocity so directed as to open our markets on favorable terms for what we do not ourselves produce in return for free foreign markets. 1904 Protection which guards and develops our industries, is a cardinal policy of the Republican party. The measure of protection should always at least equal the difference in the cost of production at home and abroad. We insist upon the maintenance of the principle of protection, and, therefore. rates of duty should be readjusted only when conditions have so changed that the public interest demands their alteration, but this work cannot safely be committed to any other hands than those of the Republican party. To intrust it to the Democratic party is to invite disaster. Whether, as in 1892, the Democratic party declares the protective tariff unconstitutional, or whether it demands tariff reform or tariff revision, its real object is always the destruction of the protective system. However specious the name the purpose is ever the |