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If the cost of these studies and of the educational work carried on by the Service were deducted from the total expenditures for the fiscal year 1907, the remainder would be less than the income to the Government from the National Forests. In other words, these Forests in that year carried themselves. Because of their growing economic importance, Congress authorized the policy of making expenditures to develop their importance still further, so that now the Government is again spending more money on the National Forests than it is receiving from them. In so doing it is simply investing the money for the present and future benefit of the people, and protecting a great pablic property from burning up.

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In holding and developing these great resources, conserving timber and water, regulating grazing, and controlling those who use the Forests for the development of power, the Government is fundamentally helping the home builder. At every point it is working to increase the number of those who own their own homes. the typical American as contrasted with the typical European, who is a tenant paying tribute to a landlord. National Forest policy makes oppressive monopoly of the best resources of the West impossible. To the extent that the ordinary citizen has to turn to one man or one set of men for anything which he can not do without and which he can not get elsewhere-whether it is land, or water, or coal, or means of transportation, or opportunity to labor, or permission to engage in business-just to that extent he is in the grip of a monopoly. Just to the extent that this monopoly seeks to take advantage of his necessity is the monopoly oppressive. The only trustworthy guaranty that the ordinary citizen can have that a monopoly will not be used to oppress him is Government control of it. For the Government of this country is itself controlled by the citizens of the country.

Government control of the resources of the Forests prevents the control of those resources by private monopolies. These are things which some one must own. Is it better for the ordinary citizen that this some one should be the nation, or private individuals, or corporatious? Is it better for him to buy timber from an agent of the Government, who holds his place as a servant of the public, or from the local representative of a timber monopoly which cares nothing whatever about the public? Is it better that use of the range in National Forests should be allotted on the basis of past use and residence, or on the basis of the highest price? Is it better that the development of hydraulic power-a matter capable of complete monopoly in the West--should fall absolutely into the hands of corporations free to collect from the public whatever they choose to ask, with no return to the public for the use of its own resources, or that the Government should control the monopolists in the interest of equitable exercise of their power over the industrial life of the communities dependent on them?

Yet with all this, if the effect of Government control were to prevent the everyday citizen from making a home for himself, there would be good ground for criticism. But just the reverse is true. The number of permanent homes which can be maintained in the West is, through control of the Forests by the Government, greatly increased. For the permanent means of livelihood are increased.

American wage-workers work with their heads as well as their hands. Moreover, they take a keen pride in what they are doing; so that, independent of the reward, they wish to. turn out a perfect job. This is the great secret of our success in competition with the labor of foreign countriesPresident Roosevelt, in message to Congress, Dec. 3, 1901.

The administration of exact justice by courts without fear or favor, anmoved by the Influence of the wealthy or by the threats of the demagogue, is the highest ideal that A government of the people can strive for, and any means by which a snitor, however unpopular or poor, is deprived of enjoying this is to be condemned. It is importaní, however, that appeals to judicial remedies should be limited in such a way that parties will not use them merely to de ay and so elox efficient and just executive or legislative action. -Hon. Wm. H. Taft, at Columbus, Ohio.

THE CIVIL SERVICE.

The chief criticisms of the Civil Service of the United States indulged in by the opponents of the Republican party are based either upon a total misapprehension or a willful misstatement of facts.

The Civil Service law was enacted in 1893 for the purpose of stopping the flagrant abuses which had developed under the old patronage system of appointments. Under that system the government service in the Departments at Washington had become inefficient and extravagant. Public office was considered a perquisite of the party in power, not a public trust.

It was to remedy such evils that the Civil Service law was enacted, and during the twenty-five years of its enforcement there has been developed a high order of industry, integrity, and efficiency in the public service. This development has, of course, not been free from difficulties. Mistakes have been made, but year by year the merit system has been improved and extended until now the competitive classified service covers about 197,000 Federal officials and is recognized as necessary for good administration.

The conclusive answers to the criticisms are the following plain statements of existing conditions and the course of the Republican party during the twelve years in which it has had control of the administration:

First.-Entrance to the Federal classified service is not dependent upon personal or political influence; hence the service is now composed of self-respecting, independent men and women who appreciate that advancement will depend upon individual industry and ability. They do not constitute a body of permanent officeholders who are protected from removal even though inefficient and incapacitated, as charged. The power of removal is absolute in the head of every Department. The only limitations upon causes of removal are that employees must be treated with justice, that like penalties must be imposed for like offenses, and that no person shall be removed from a competitive position except for such cause as will promote the efficiency of the service. The only limitation involved in the procedure prescribed by the Civil Service rules for removal is that the cause of removal shall be stated in writing and filed, and when misconduct is committed in the view and presence of the President or head of an Executive Department removal may be made summarily and not even a statement of reasons is required to be. filed. No notice is required to the employee; no trial and no opportunity for a hearing need be given him under the rules. The only limitation is, as stated, that the cause of removal must be one which will promote the efficiency of the service; that is, must be, for instance, for misconduct or negligence or laziness, or some such cause; and that one employee shall not be punished in a different manner from what another, is punished.

The Civil Service Commission strictly enforces the prohibition against making removals for political reasons; but its authority limited to the enforcement of that prohibition.

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The merit system does not result in an undue permanency of tenure. 48.2 per cent. of the employees in the classified service of the country have served less than five years, and 72.5 per cent. have served less than ten years. In the District of Columbia naturally the service is more stable, and in the departments at Washington 30.8 per cent. have served less than five years, and 56.1 per cent less than ten years. The appointments made as a result of the examinations in the entire service are at the rate of 3,600 per month; about 22 per cent. of the entire service and about 15 per cent. of the departmental service in Washington

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changes each year. The inefficient employee gives way to the efficient, or the efficient employee finds private work more profitable or more congenial.

The charge that the service is filled with superannuated clerks is unfounded. 60.7 per cent. of the employees are less than forty years old, and 91 per cent. less than sixty years old. In Washington less than 53.1 per cent. are less than forty, and 87 per cent. less than sixty years old.

Second. It is not claimed that a competitive examination is an absolutely correct means of determining the qualifications of applicants, but it is the best means yet devised. The Civil Service Commission is constantly changing the character of the examinations to meet the special requirements of particular places. The experience of twenty-five years has shown definitely that the average examination can be passed by any intelligent person who has had a common school education, and does afford a remarkably accurate basis for the determination of the relative ability of applicants.

As a result of the examination for scientific and technical positions, there have been built up various corps of thoroughly trained men who have placed the scientific work of this Government in the forefront among the nations of the world. This has been particularly true, and the results obtained have been of great practical value, in the Departments of the Interior, Agriculture, and Commerce and Labor.

Third. It is a mistake to suppose that the Civil Service Commission exists simply for the purpose of enforcing the law and rules. Its purpose is to provide the most efficient eligibles possible for every branch of the service. It looks to the good of the service, not to the mere enforcement of a rule. It is the barrier against the spoils system, but it does not protect the inefficient or dishonest employee.

The ideal Civil Service law should close the door to entrance into the public service except through a method which can be followed by any qualified person without political influence or favor, but leaves to the executive authorities the power to remove for any cause, other than political or religious. It is toward this ideal that the present Administration is working.

The business of the Government has grown in proportions not appreciated by the people at large. The executive departments are made responsible for the expenditure of about $600,000,000 annually. Such expenditures can be wisely and honestly made only by exercising the highest degree of business ability and selecting efficient, capable employees who will make good service to the Government their ambition. The Republican party has proved that under its administration the business of government is so conducted. President Roosevelt, the party's present representative, has appointed men of recognized ability and judgment to carry on executive work. He has made no promises impossible of fulfillment. By precept and example he has inspired public officers to a higher sense of duty. In this administration neither personal nor political influence has availed to save the corrupt official from punishment. American citizens should remember and take to heart these words of the President:

"The most successful governments are those in which the average public servant possesses that variant of loyalty which we call patriotism, together with common sense and honesty. We can as little afford to tolerate a dishonest man in the public service as a coward in the army. The murderer takes a single life; the corruptionist in public life, whether he be bribe giver or bribe taker, strikes at the heart of the commonwealth. In every public service, as in every army, there will be wrongdoers, there will occur misdeeds. This can not be avoided; but vigilant watch must be kept, and as soon as discovered the wrongdoing must be stopped and the wrongdoers punished."

Mr. Taft has, during his entire political career, been a steady and efficient supporter of the improvement of the Civil Service. He introduced the merit system into the government of the Philippines; he has had charge of one of the great Departments of the Government under the administration of President Roosevelt, and whatever commendation is due to President Roosevelt in his course in the handling and the improvement of administration is shared by the present candidate of the party, who has loyally and consistently supported the reforms which President Roosevelt has introduced.

British Manufacturers Advocate Tariff Reform.

London, April 27, 1908.

The progress of tariff reform in England is well illustrated by the action of the Associated Chambers of Commerce at their recent meeting in London. This is the most important commercial body in Britain, and it represents the business life of the country. The question before it for decision was "That this Association, while approving of the principle of free exchange, recognizes the grave danger to which our industrial population is exposed by the action of scientifically imposed foreign tarifs, and is of opinion that steps should be taken to mitigate the evil by the reform of our tariff."

In a vote this resolution was adopted by 40 to 30, there being 31 neutral. As showing the advance of the movement a similar motion was rejected by 69 to 27 when made three years ago.

We are not a nation of classes, but of sturdy, free, independent and honorable people, despising the demagogue and never capitulating to dishonor.-McKinley's letter of acceptance, 1896.

The present phenomenal prosperity has been won under a tariff made in accordance with certain fixed principles, the most important of which is an avowed determination to protect the interests of the American producer, business man, wage-worker, and farmer alike.-President Roosevelt.

We have had great problems before and have solved them rightly-that is the American way of solving problems. We must approach these new ones in the same spirit with which we approached and successfully solved those which have gone into history.-Hon. George B. Cortelyou, at Urbana, Illinois, June 7, 1995.

They tell us that a protective tariff was only designed for infant industries, that we have outgrown that infancy and are no longer in need of the duties that enabled to get them started. We have grown, it is true. Our great industrial concerns are monsters now, but let me tell you, as the boy said who waited till he had grown up before tackling a youthfal opponent. the other fellow has grown up too.-Hon. James S. Sherman.

In the great battle of 1896 the Republican party again stood for the maintenance of the integrity of the nation. The fight was against odds produced by a great industrial depression, and against the most sophistical arguments. The Republican party maintained a campaign of education among the wage-earners and the farmers, which ultimately led to the complete defeat of this second financial heresy which has threatened the integrity of our business structure. -Hon. Wm. H. Taft, at Kansas City, Mo.

Under the system of protection every hour of honest toil purchases more of material comfort for the toiler than is attainable under any other system, the degree of such advantage being contingent upon the completeness and accuracy of the application of the protective system. This advantage comes directly or indirectly to all classes of toilers, be they weavers, spinners, carpenters, painters, machinists, farmers, doctors, editors, or teachers.-Hon. H. B. Metcalf, Pawtucket, R. I., in the American Economist.

Mr. Bryan's whole system of remedies for the evils that both Mr. Roosevelt and he and many others recognize, is based on his distrust of the honesty, courage and impartiality of the individual as an agent on behalf of the people to carry on any part of government and rests on the proposition that our present system of representative government is a failure. He would have government ownship of railways because he does not believe it is possible to secure an interstate commerce commission that the “money power" cannot and will not ultimately own. He would have the initiative and referendum because he distrusts representative government and has no coufidence in the ability of the people to 1 men who will conscientiously, and free from the inuen of the "money power," represent them in preparing and voting legislation. He would take away from courts, because he distrusts the ability of judges to resist the malign intinence of the "money power," the power to enforce their own orders until a jury is called to tell the court whether the order has been disobeyed, and thus, in practice, though not in theory, the jury would come to F¥? «!% On the correctness and Justice of the court's order. -Hon. Wm. H. Taft, at Columbus, Ohio.

THE NON-CONTIGUOUS TERRITORY

OF THE UNITED STATES.

The last decade has developed a new quality in the American, the power to successfully govern noncontiguous territory occupied by people of nationalities, customs, and civilization differing widely from our own, and living under climatic and other conditions also widely different from those to which we have been accustomed. This new work has required the American soldier, sailor, and citizen to study the characteristics of and devise means of government for the millions in the Philippine Islands, and with them large numbers of Chinese and not a few other Orientals: the thousands of Chinese and Japanese of the Hawaiian Islands, the mixed Spanish and native population of Porto Rico, Cuba, and Panama; and, passing from the tropics to the Arctic, the Eskimo and Indian of Alaska. In all of these cases the advent of American influence has brought civilization, education, improvement of public health, better transportation facilities, diversification of industries, increased commerce, increased earnings, and with all of these a growing share in domestic government, and produced prosperity, peace and contentment. The establishment of peace has been in every case the first purpose, and following this the introduction of educational facilities, the development of transportation, and with this the development of commerce. Schoolhouses, roads, railroads, canals have followed the American flag, and the American soldier, sailor, or civil administrator in all of these various and widely separated sections of the world, and these in turn have been followed by closer relations between the United States and the 12 million people occupying these scattered sections, now known as the noncontiguous territories of the United States, omitting from this category, of course, Cuba, which is but temporarily under American control, and will within a few months be again established as an independent American Republic. In chapters which follow the conditions now prevailing in these various sections of the world, and commonly designated as the noncontiguous territories of the United States are set forth in detail. It is not improper to say, before entering upon a discussion of these conditions, that the trade of the United States with this noncontiguous area the Philippines, Hawaii, Alaska, Porto Rico, and the Panama Canal strip has grown from 35 million dollars in 1897 to 160 millions in 1907. The imports from these various territories have grown from 24 millions in 1897 to 77 millions in 1907, and the exports to them from 11 millions in 1897 to 33 millions in 1907. In this important work no citizen or official of the United States has performed a greater or more varied and difficult work than has Mr. Taft, in his services in the Philippines, in Cuba, and in Panama.

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.

The assumption of sovereignty over the Philippine Islands on the part of the United States was not a matter of voluntary action, but was developed suddenly and unexpected as the result of a victorious war. The burden of its unavoidable obligations had to be promptly met. A government had to be built from the ground up a government involving all the phases of law and conditions of a people numerically greater than the size of the United States at the time the Federal Constitution was adopted. yet on account of the conditions under which they had so long lived they were for the time being at least incapable of self-government. They were scattered over a territory whose extent north and south, measured by the time required to travel, was equal to the great coast line of the United States between Eastport, Maine, and the Florida Straits,

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