TRUMBULL'S ELECTION TO THE SENATE.

593 Wm. A. Denning, one each. Every member was present and voted except Randolph Heath of Crawford County, a democrat, who if present did not vote at any of the ballotings. That was the nearest Mr. Lincoln came to being elected. Had the five votes given to Trumbull been cast for him his success would have been assured, as Gillespie who voted for Edwards, and Babcock who voted for Kellogg, would have changed to Lincoln and made his total one more than the constitutional majority. But this was not to be. The five members who had agreed to stand by Judge Trumbull in every emergency as long as there was any possibility of his election, were Messrs. Palmer, Cook, and Judd of the senate, and Allen and Baker of Madison County, of the house-all of them subsequently active and leading republicans.

In the six following ballots Lincoln fell off to 36 votes, Trumbull increased to 10, and Shields reached 42. The friends of Lincoln then endeavoured to adjourn the joint-session but failed. On the seventh ballot the democrats changed to Gov. Matteson giving him 44 votes. On the next ballot Lincoln fell off to 27 votes, Trumbull grew to 18, and Matteson had 46. The ninth ballot gave the governor 47, Trumbull 35, Lincoln 15, and Williams 1.

It now becoming apparent that the choice must fall upon either Trumbull or Matteson, Mr. Lincoln urged those who were inclined to adhere to his waning fortune, to vote for Trumbull; and this they did, excepting Waters, giving him on the next and last ballot just the required 51 votes, to 47 for Matteson, and one (Waters) for Williams.

Of the senators voting for Trumbull but three resided south of Springfield; and of the representatives only six; thus manifesting for the first time the increased growth and preponderating influence in politics of the northern portion of the State.

Lyman Trumbull, who thus carried off the honors in the first contest of that political revolution in Illinois out of which grew the republican party, was born in Colchester, Conn., October 12, 1813. His family was among the most eminent in New England, distinguished alike in public life, in literature and art. His grandfather, Benjamin, was a chaplain and a captain in the Revolutionary army; Gov. Jonathan Trumbull was the

personal friend and trusted adviser of Gen. Washington, and in emergencies which called for the exercise of sound judgment and rare discretion, the latter was wont to say: "Let us consult Brother Jonathan." From this expression is said to have originated the popular national designation applied to the government and citizens of the United States.

Lyman was educated at Bacon Academy, and set out in life as a teacher. At the age of twenty he removed to Georgia, and had charge of the Greenville Academy. Here he studied law, was admitted to the bar, and decided to enter upon his career as a lawyer in Illinois. He had now been prominently before the people of the State for fifteen years; and while his ability and integrity were generally acknowledged, he had at first failed to command that popularity which his intellectual preeminence might have secured for him in communities longer established.

He was above the medium height, rather sparely built, and with his clear cut features, his prominent forehead, made yet more so by the constantly worn eye-glasses, had rather the appearance of a college professor than of an active, political leader. His manners were naturally reserved, his habits abstemious, and he lacked the geniality of temperament generally characteristic of, and looked for, in the public men of his day.

As a representative in the twelfth general assembly, his views on pending State issues were not in accord with those of a majority of his party; and finally, as secretary of state, led to the disruption of his official relations with Gov. Ford. These unpropitious circumstances, engendering as they did personal antagonisms, doubtless had their influence in retarding his political career, he having failed to secure the nomination for governor, as heretofore related, and being defeated in the race for congress in 1846. In 1848, however, he was elected one of judges of the supreme court, in which position he gained the reputation of being an able and upright jurist. This office he resigned in 1853, on account of failing health. He early took a decided stand against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and had been elected a member of congress in the Alton district, as an anti-Nebraska democrat at the last election. As a speaker he was logical rather than eloquent, arrang

LAWS-STATE DEBT.

595 ing his points with remarkable clearness, and illustrating them with a force and vigor at once entertaining and convincing.

This same legislature which inaugurated a radical change in practical politics, by electing to the United-States senate for the first time since 1841, a candidate who was not the nominee of a democratic caucus, also adopted several sweeping measures of political reform.

One of these was the law prohibiting the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors-in effect the Maine law on this subject. It was however to be inoperative unless ratified by a vote of the people at an election called for that purpose in June, at which time it was defeated.

Another of these measures was the "act to establish and maintain a uniform system of common schools." Both of these laws will be again referred to and commented upon in subsequent chapters.

Other laws of general importance passed at this session were: to preserve the game in the State; to provide for taking the census; and requiring railroads to fence their tracks. Over six nundred special or local acts were passed, at the rate, toward the close of the session, of one hundred and fifty a day. A resolution for the call of a convention to amend the constitution was adopted and submitted to the people, and by them defeated.

During the administration of Gov. Matteson there was paid on the principal and interest of the State debt, the sum of $4,564,840 leaving the amount outstanding on Jan. 1, 1857, $12,834,144. The whole accruing interest for the previous six months was for the first time paid on Jan. 1, and a balance left in the treasury to the credit of the interest fund amounting to $65,000, besides over $150,000 of surplus revenue. The State treasury had never before been in such good condition; the receipts therein, on account of revenue for the past two years, having been $664,000, and the payments therefrom $530,985; and on account of the State debt, the receipts were $1,113,413, and the payments $908,820.

NOTE.-John Moore, democrat, was reëlected State treasurer by 2915 majority, but anti-Nebraska congressmen carried the State by nearly 18,000 majority.

.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

Formation of New Parties-The Bloomington Convention -Elections of 1856-Administration of Gov. BissellTwentieth General Assembly-Laws-The Campaign of 1858- Twenty-first General Assembly - Douglas again elected to the Senate-Laws-The Matteson Embezzlement-Death of Gov. Bissell-Succession of Lieut. Gov. John Wood.

THE

HE question of slavery in some of its aspects prior to the war of the rebellion had, either remotely or directly, entered into the formation and policy of all leading political parties in the country, and had always been the instigating cause of the most violent and threatening discussions in congress. It was so in 1820 and in 1832. In 1848, upon the nomination by the democrats of Gen. Cass for president, an influential faction of that party in New York, opposed to the extension of slavery, refused to support the nominee and called a convention at Utica, at which Martin Van Buren was nominated. This was followed by the calling of a national convention at Buffalo, to which seventeen states sent delegates, which ratified Van Buren's nomination. This ticket, nominated upon a platform which had for its distinctive principles "free soil, free speech, free labor, and free men," received a larger vote in New York than did the regular democratic nominees. The party strength being thus divided, the electoral vote of the state was secured by Gen. Taylor, whose election was thus assured.

The pacification measures of 1850 had so far impressed themselves upon the country as a satisfactory adjustment of slavery controversies that at the presidential election of 1852 the free-soil faction was unable to poll half the vote it had in 1848, and the democratic ticket, representing a reunited organization, was overwhelmingly successful.

The passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill in 1854 was the signal for the outbreak of a storm of agitation, which, as has