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limited as to length. As will be seen by reference to the following table, a majority of states have thought it wise to adopt a different rule.

The first general assembly-the twenty-seventh-which convened after the adoption of the new constitution held one regular, two special, and one adjourned session, extending in all over three hundred days. While much extraordinary work was thrown upon the body by the new instrument under which they were acting, it must be admitted that the time consumed in doing it was unnecessarily prolonged, entailing great expense upon the State.

The next legislature, with the labor of completing the revision of the statutes on their hands, continued in session 204 days; and since then, with the exception of the 100 days' session of the twenty-ninth, the sessions have been continued from 140 to 170 days.

With all power of special legislation taken away and the passage of general laws covering every conceivable subject of legislative action, there does not seem to be any good reason for these long sessions, exceeding those of nearly every other state. It may be questioned whether there has been a session of the general assembly since the twenty-ninth, where the work could not have been just as well accomplished in 100 days. As a matter of fact, if allowance be made for the absenteeism of members-without loss of pay-which has not infrequently amounted to two and three days per week, the actual work has been performed in a much less time than that.

These unnecessarily protracted sessions tend not only to open the door of corruption and greatly to increase the rate of taxation, but also to deter the better class of citizens from seeking or accepting seats in a body, service in which requires so great a sacrifice of time that they might more profitably employ in their ordinary business or professional avocations.

The people generally express their satisfaction when the legislature adjourns, and congratulate themselves upon their escape from the possibility of legislative evils for at least two years to come.

Forty-eight new constitutions have been proposed since the rebellion, forty three of which were prepared by regular con

ventions. Eighteen of these were reconstruction instruments, of which eleven only were adopted and approved by congress. Of the thirty others, three were rejected, leaving twenty-seven new constitutions adopted since 1864, exclusive of those in the reconstruction states.

The annexed, comparative table of the constitutions of the several states will be found as useful for reference as it is interesting:

PERIOD VII.-UNDER THE CONSTITUTION

OF 1870.

CHAPTER XLII.

Gov. Palmer's Administration [Continued] -State Conventions, Nominations, and Elections of 1870-Twentyseventh General Assembly-Election of Gen. Logan to the Senate-Laws-Recess and Reassembling of the Legislature-Chicago Fire-Controversy between Governor Palmer and Mayor Mason-The LiberalRepublican Party - Presidential Nominations and Elections of 1872.

ILLIN

LINOIS, in 1870, had advanced in population from the position of the eleventh-her rank in 1860-to that of the fourth in the sisterhood of states. Within the decade, over 1,000,000 acres had been added to her fields of wheat whose annual yield was 27,115,000 bushels, while her acerage of golden corn had risen from 4,000,000 to 6,000,000-producing 200,000,000 bushels. Property, as listed for taxation at only about a fourth of its value, which amounted in 1860 to $367,227,742, now footed up $480,664,058. The actual valuations, more correctly estimated in the census returns, showed the prodigious increase of 138 per cent, having risen from $871,860,282 to $2,121,680,579. Then she had 2727 miles of railroad, valued for taxation at $12,085,472; now, the returns showed the remarkable increase of 1906 miles with a valuation of $19,242,141. Her state-debt, which in 1860 was $10,300,000, had been reduced to $4,890,937, and there were sufficient funds in the state-treasury, available for the purpose, to extinguish nearly one-half of it.

Her principal cities had kept pace with this marvellous growth, showing an increase as follows: Aurora from 6011 in 1860, to 11,162; Bloomington, 7075, to 14,590; Galesburg, 4953 to 10,158; Jacksonville, 5528 to 9203; Peoria, 14,045 to 22,849; Quincy, 13,718 to 24,052; Rockford, 6,979 to 11,049;

Springfield, 9320 to 17,364; and last of all, with the most gigantic strides toward the first rank of American cities, the population of Chicago had increased from 112,172 to 298,977a growth unparalleled by any of the great cities of the Union. Although 1870 was what is commonly designated as an “off year" in politics, there was no lack of activity in political Circles. At the republican state-convention, held in Springfield, Sept. 1, 1870, Gen. Logan was renominated for congressman-atlarge, and Gen. Bates for state treasurer, both by acclamation. Newton Bateman was also renominated for superintendent of public instruction on the first ballot. Elmer Washburn and Casper Butz received the nomination for commissioners of the penitentiary.

The platform reported by the committee on resolutions, of which Horace White was chairman, contained at least two remarkable planks. After heartily endorsing the administration of Gen. Grant and congratulating the people upon the adoption of a new constitution, the following deliverance was made upon the subject of internal revenue and the tariff: "That it is wrongful and oppressive for congress to enact revenue laws for the special advantage of one branch of business at the expense of another; and that the best system of protection to industry is that which imposes the lightest burdens and the fewest restrictions on the property and business of the people." The other extraordinary resolution related to the removal of the national capital and ran as follows: "That as the natural and inevitable place for the capital of the republic is in the heart of the Mississippi Valley, and as its removal from its present inconvenient and exposed locality is only a question of time; we oppose all further expenditure of public money for the enlargement of old government - buildings or the erection of new ones as a useless waste of the treasury of the people."

No republican state-convention has ever gone so far in the direction of a tariff for revenue merely; and the project for the removal of the capital received its first and only favorable mention at this convention.

At the democratic state-convention, which met at Springfield, September 14, Gen. Wm. B. Anderson was nominated for congressman-at-large; Charles Ridgely for treasurer, Charles Feinz

STATE CONVENTIONS, 1870.

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for superintendent of public instruction; and Frank T. Sherman and Thomas Redmon for penitentiary commissioners.

Melville W. Fuller was chairman of the committee on resolutions, which reported a platform, that was unanimously adopted and whose provisions were substantially as follows: demanding the overthrow of the party in power because of its committal to the policy of the destruction of the rights of the states; because of its policy of protection and its onerous and aggravating system of internal revenue; "because it is extravagant, wasteful, and corrupt," and "being destitute of principle is held together solely by the cohesive power of public plunder." It declared, "That the present administration of state affairs has been more reckless in the expenditure of public money than any that ever exercised the power of the State. On the subject of the tariff, it was unmistakably outspoken, as follows: "That we are in favor of free trade on principle, and while conceding the legality of a tariff for revenue simply, we denounce a protective tariff as not authorized under the federal constitution, as destructive to the best interests of the people, and as enriching the few at the expense of the many."

The republicans carried the State, as usual, but by a considerably-reduced majority, that of Logan, who received the largest vote of all the candidates, being 24,672. A prohibition stateticket, the first side issue of the kind since the days of the old liberal party, received 3756 votes.

The twenty-seventh general assembly convened Jan. 4, 1871. It not only held more and longer sessions but had a larger membership than any previous legislature of the State. It was composed of 50 senators and 177 representatives of whom 75 were democrats. Being considered too large a body for convenient accommodation in the state-house, the senate occupied the hall formerly used by the house and the latter body sat in the audience-room of the Second Presbyterian Church, then recently erected, which had been fitted up for the occasion.

In the senate, there were only eleven members holding over, Messrs. Casey, Van Dorston, Flagg, Harlan, McNulta, Nicholson, Epler, Strevell, Snapp, Crawford, and Dore. The following had been reëlected: Messrs. Boyd, Fuller, Shepard, and Tincher. J. F. Alexander, Wm. H. Underwood, Lewis Solomon, John