when crowns were shattering, mobs yelling, blood flowing in streams from fiercest civil strife. At such an hour, what could the Goddess of Freedom do but blush, and stand, her face averted, listing unwillingly to the echoes of such a strife? And, perhaps, this attitude best befitted England, as freedom's representative, at that stern hour. In politics, especially in foreign politics, we rarely seem able to do that which is positively best; there is no such best to find; we must be contented to choose the lesser of two evils! The issue of that great struggle was the temporary restoration of order, coupled, almost of necessity, with many minor acts of injustice, the very worst of which, perhaps, was the robbery of those rights and liberties of the Hungarian nation, which they had enjoyed for the last four centuries; not undisturbed, indeed, but still recognized on the whole, even by the House of Hapsburgh, and gloried in by the Magyar race. Yet we are bound to admit, that the question as between Hungary and Austria was one of a somewhat complicated nature; and we may as well add that our views of the subject are not derived from the study of the works recently published on the subject, which are productions of an essentially partisan character, and only show one side of every question at issue. So much, however, is certain; Hungary has enjoyed a free constitution for at least four centuries, for the last three of which the princes of the House of Hapsburg have been its constitutional sovereigns, much after the fashion in which the Electors of Hanover, despotic in their own hereditary dominions, were the constitutional rulers of this country. The difference betwixt the two cases lay mainly in this: that while Hanover was a petty territory,-insignificant, when compared with the British empire, the hereditary possessions of the House of Hapsburg, on the other hand, surpassed Hungary in extent and importance. This they could scarcely be said to do in 1549, when Ferdinand of Austria first mounted the Hungarian throne, by virtue of a false and a surreptitious election, not recognized by the nation; for Hungary had formally chosen another sovereign, John Zapolya, but finally acceded to Ferdinand's election, from the dread of a Turkish invasion, which necessarily combined all arms against the infidel. Gradually the House of Austria prospered, and spread their "stakes" abroad: | Austria became a mighty empire; Hungary, though still an important monarchy, was scarcely competent singly to cope with that empire, though the spirit of its people was never damped: and her national parliaments continued to meet and make laws, though at somewhat lengthy intervals. It was natural, it was unavoidable, that the House of Hapsburg, reigning in Austria with autocratic sway, should not willingly accept the "rôle" of constitutional sovereigns in their neigbor land: they would naturally regard with animosity those institutions which were so utterly opposed to their own Austrian course of procedure; and their efforts were sure to be directed toward the gradual, not overthrow, but rather the desuetude and disuse of those more liberal institutions. Aristocratic these institutions were, in the highest degree. The Magyars were a conquering race in Hungary; say, some three millions in number: three or four millions more of Wendes or Sclaves lived around them, who were regarded and treated as serfs, as conquered races. Again, out of the three millions of Hungarians, only those of noble, or rather, as we should express it, of gentle blood, were competent to be electors; but then there were districts in which the whole male population, peasants and all, were counted noble in this sense, so that there were several hundreds of thousands of these citizen-nobles in the country. There were many abuses connected with this order of things, but so far we recognize no abuse; on the contrary, we pronounce this a most admirable form of polity. It is necessary for the liberties of any country that a portion of its citizens only should be entrusted with the suffrage; and that portion should, if possible, include representatives of all classes of society, as it did in Hungary. We have omitted to mention that the chamber of Magnates corresponded precisely with our Upper House, and was formed of exactly similar materials, many of the noblest families in Hungary not possessing what we call the Peerage. The two great evils then existing were, that the class of electors, or so-called nobles, though several hundred thousands in number, paid no taxes; and that serfage was allowed to exist almost under its mediaval aspect. The consequence of these institutions, however, taken for all in all, was the existence of a free-spirited, noble-hearted aristocracy; not a limited oligarchy, like that of Venice; not a betitled and bedizened class, cor responding to the mock nobility of Germany, with its endless counts and barons; but a large and numerous body of freemen in all classes of society, from the Esterhazies and their fellows downward; the noblest aristocracy indeed in the world, save that of England's gentry and nobility, and fit to challenge admiration by the latter's side. Spanish grandee magnificent (though we fancy that race has well-nigh passed away), and the German of the higher classes may be polished, well-informed, decidedly agreeable; the German of the far north even, bluff, and hearty; but the thorough gentleman, in tone and manners, as we understand that term, can or could be found, in perfection at least, out of England, in Hungary alone. Of course, there was bitter and continuous warfare betwixt this aristocracy and the House of Hapsburg. Despotism or autocracy always hates aristocracy, and it has ever been its policy to unite, if needful, with the mob against their betters in the social scale. Thus the House of Hapsburg in Hungary has played a partly despotic and partly democratic game: it has striven to inflame the Wendes and Sclaves, the conquered races, against the Magyars; and again, the peasantry against the nobles; and finally, "by hook or by crook," as we may say, it has succeeded in its aims;-it has overthrown the aristocracy of Hungary, and established its own real dominion under partially democratic forms. From the little we have said, however, it must be abundantly evident to our readers, supposing them to have been previously acquainted with the subject, that this question of internecine warfare betwixt Austria and Hungary was one of an exceedingly complicated character; nor have we yet mentioned those more peculiar circumstances which enhance the difficulty of arriving at a really distinct conclusion on this subject. Let us, as briefly as possible, with the omission of all needless dates and details, recount the leading events of the last few years. They who have lived for years in Austria's capital, as we have done, could not but be struck by the enormous contrast (generally speaking) betwixt the Hungarian gentleman, and the Austrian or German noble. The latter was, at least, in too many cases, a serf in soul, despite his titles and his titular dignities the former was a freeman! You saw it in his eyes, in his erect head, his bold and easy gait, his frank, manly, pleasant manner of speech. An Englishman's heart must always warm to a true Hungarian: he recognizes his fellow in an instant. We have stood on the race-course at Vienna, among the leaders of Viennese fashion (almost invariably Hungarians), both male and female; and, could we have closed our eyes, we might have supposed ourselves on the grand stand at the Derby: so thoroughly English, in the best sense, was the style and manner of the company there assembled. The Hungarian lady cannot be mistaken for any other than a daughter of the free. Compare her with the languishing Russian "grande dame," or the comparatively heavy and plebeian German fair; and oh, the difference! These high and free and open foreheads, those dark and sparkling eyes, that graceful majesty of motion, all proclaim the children of a free-born race; and, the consequence is, that the Englishman, even the stiffest, feels himself comparatively at ease with them; he is, as it were, at home As the demand for more liberal institutions again! And this, which is true of Hun- in Germany became more and more alarmgary's daughters, holds, as we have indica- ing, the Austrian government became, as of ted, yet more distinctively, perhaps, of her necessity, more and more hostile to the Hunsons; the difference is still more marked garian constitution, with its parliaments, between these, and the men, the noblemen double houses, open elections, free right of of Austria; for the women of a country speech, &c.; it strove, but of course in a generally suffer the least from the servile great measure ineffectually, to draw the political institutions which may therein pre-cordon" tighter betwixt Hungary and Ausvail; these do not come home to them; they feel the chain far less! A Hungarian gentleman was and is a gentleman; and this says much! We scarcely know where you will find another such upon the continent. The French marquis of the old school has delightful manners in his way, we grant; grace, and seeming "bonhommie," and smiling courtesy; and again, the Italian noble may be impulsive and interesting, and the tria, and prevent national intercommunication of thought and action. Thus it was absolutely forbidden to report the Hungarian debates; and the sale of any MS., or printed document purporting to contain such debates, was punishable, and punished with several years' imprisonment. A "précis" or summary of these debates was forwarded however to the Austrian ministers; and of this we for some time obtained the perusal at lovers and admirers to extend its privileges to others, or to lose all themselves. The risk was no doubt great of entrusting the hostile "Sclaves" with power; but it had become needful, as it seems to us, to run this risk, to avoid a civil war betwixt races, from which Austria and despotism could alone have Accordingly, by degrees, after long and angry debates extended throughout several years, the liberal party triumphed, despite the "Tories" at home and Austrian influence. Croatia received a constitution; the Croatians became electors; other real abuses were swept away; the Magyar nobles even con mise fair for Hungary. In time, perhaps, the animosities of races might have died out, and Hungary might have then become one of the noblest kingdoms upon earth. Vienna, and were exceedingly struck with the high tone and spirit of the speakers, both ministerial and opposition: for there were two parties there, as there are in all constitutional states; one of which was disposed to condemn every measure of the Austrian government, and the other to palliate or defend them. The liberal party in that coun-profited. try desired to extend the right of suffrage to the Sclaves and Wendes, Crotians, &c., a step to which the government party, from widely varying motives, was opposed. Those who were officially connected with Austria, and were in fact its creatures (comparatively few), had received their orders from Vienna, and acted accordingly; for, of course, noth-sented to be taxed; and all seemed to proing could be more fatal to the hopes of the Austrian government that they might ultimately overthrow the Hungarian polity, than to see the national breaches of Hungary alls oldered up, and the Sclavonian and Magyar races as one. But this Austrian party, alone and unsupported, would have been powerless indeed in the free Hungarian chamber of magnates. Many "old Tory" magnates supported and voted with them from natural hereditary aversion to the conquered races: from the love of the past and of the present: they were afraid of the partly despotic and partly democratic tendencies of the "Sclave" race; they feared that the democratic party, comparatively small, among the free Magyars, would be immensely strengthened by this extension of the suffrage to those who were in their eyes unworthy of it. Perhaps this Tory party was wrong, but, at all events, there was a great deal to be advanced in favor of their views: the different Sclavonic races combined would numerically outnumber the Magyars, and would, as they believed, be ready, almost at any moment, to surrender up the long cherished liberties of their country to despotism; especially to the empire of the Czar, the natural head of all the Sclavonic races, a monarch under whom they might hope to become in their turn the conquerors of Europe. Let none of our readers therefore hastily condemn the obstruction party in Hungary under the old "regime," though they were thus induced to fight under the same banner with Austrian officials, whom they hated. We incline to think that they were wrong, and that Count Szecheny, then the leader of the liberal aristocratic opposition, was in the right; that amidst the whirl of events around them, the constitution of Hungary could not remain "in statu quo;" that it was needful for its But now fell the thunderbolt! Paris gave the signal: the greater part of Europe followed it. Vienna even was in the hands of the mob. At that hour Hungary stood firm to the House of Hapsburg: all its hereditary Tory loyalty burst forth in a clear flame; it entreated the Emperor to take up his abode at Pesth, where he already reigned in the hearts of his faithful subjects. But Austrian despotism, driven from Vienna, would not seek a dwelling in hated Pesth: Ferdinand fled with his court to the Tyrol. And now began the exhibition of the most hateful system of duplicity to be met with perhaps throughout the annals of history. Stephen, son of the former Archduke Palatine, who for forty years had swayed Hungary as the Austrian viceroy, to the satisfaction of all men, started for Hungary, ostensibly to place himself at the head of the gallant Magyars, and secure order throughout the land, really and truly to strike a death-blow, if possible, at that very moment, at the Hungarian constitution--a constitution almost identified in the thoughts and feelings of the Austrian ministry with their own "red republicans" at home. Accordingly, secretly, with ever-to-beexecrated perfidy, Austrian gold was lavishly employed to induce the Croatians to rise against the Magyars, though there was not the slighest shadow of a plea for such injury, the Sclavonic races having been at last intrusted with all the constitutional rights and privileges so long withheld from them. Naturally enough, the events of the last two years could not be supposed to have eradicated a hatred of races which had subsisted for centuries. On this the Austrians calcu him he was acting throughout solely and exclusively by their directions! Will such perfidy be credited by an English reader? But the farce was carried further yet. The Archduke Stephen placed himself at the head of the Hungarian or Magyar army to oppose the invading Jellachich. He departed from Pesth amidst the enthusiastic acclamations of a confiding nation, the most loyal-hearted race on earth. Within a week he had secretly deserted his army and fled to Vienna, leaving it without a leader, hoping it might then fall an easy prey. were lated; a civil war in Hungary, on whatever pretext, was what they aimed at, which might give them an excuse for intervening and extinguishing the liberties of that country. This was an audacious policy on their part, adopted when their tenure of power at home was in the highest degree endangered, likely indeed to be taken from them from hour to hour. But the extreme of danger prompts audacity. Where everything was to be lost, all also, they thought, might be gained; and so it has been for awhile! They knew that bewildered Europe, especially France and England, not understanding Hun- Now, at last, the eyes of the Magyars garian politics, might suppose the question were opened: the Austrian creatures, whom was simply one betwixt monarchy and de- they had suffered to head them in the first mocracy, and so would stand on one side as conflicts, and who had invariably betrayed spectators, which they actually did. Ac- them, were dismissed, and a Magyar general, cordingly, as we have said, they sent spies Moga, took their place. A battle ensued, in and emissaries among the Croatians, to stir which Jellachich and his Croatians them to civil warfare, and they found a fit- utterly defeated he fled, ignominiously ting tool for their vile purposes in a popular deserting his van-guard, ten thousand of idol called Jellachich, a sensual, vulgar roy- whom fell into the hands of the Magyars. sterer, and fool into the bargain, capable of However, with his remaining forces, he being deluded into the idea that the Mag- joined Windischgrätz, and, appearing before yars were at that moment the Croatians' revolutionized Vienna, reconquered it for the direst enemies; for, though vanity may have Austrian sway and the old "régime;" for as greatly influenced this man, we do not sup- to the bother about constitutional forms, pose him to have been the mere creature of which was then persisted in by the governAustrian titles and Austrian gold. This Jel- ment, we have since learnt to know that this lachich, then, Baron Joseph Jellachich, (may was only "words," and that the House of his name survive for everlasting infamy!) was Hapsburg will stand or fall by autocracy. appointed by the Austrian government, unex- Meanwhile, will it be believed that the Auspectedly, to the utter surprise of all the world, trian government, throwing off the mask, had the Ban of Croatia, a kind of viceroy. They had the audacity at this crisis formally to condemn no right whatever to make this appointment the Magyars for daring to defend themselves without the consent of Hungary; but when against Jellachich; that they commissioned it was made, the Hungarian parliament and Count Lamberg, an Austrian officer, to disministry, with the most unsuspecting confi-solve the Hungarian parliament, and further dence, being cajoled by the youthful Ste-appointed him to the post of commander-inphen, recognized Jellachich at once as Ban. chief of the Hungarian army! One scarcely The next step of this Austrian "employé" knows how to credit such monstrosities. was to absorb all power in himself, to arrest all opposing magistrates, to talk loudly of liberty and equality, and to proclaim martial law against all men who held any friendly communion with the Magyars. Not satisfied with this, he convoked a so-called " parliament" of his creatures, and actually commenced a civil war, as we have said, without the slightest tangible shadow of a pretext. And how acted the Austrian government? -how the youthful Stephen? Loudly and indignantly they repudiated all the acts of Jellachich: nay, they went further; they declared that he had forfeited his viceroyalty; they summoned him to lay down arms; they pronounced him a traitor! Secretly, all this while, they were in close communion with Then it was that Magyar indignation burst. all bounds. Lamberg was torn to pieces on the bridge at Pesth by the mob, he presuming to make a public entrance for the avowed purpose of disarming the nation, and laying them at the feet of their enemies, and this act of popular fury was the signal for the war betwixt Austria and Hungary. What were the fortunes of this war, our readers no doubt already know: we cannot undertake to follow them. For a little while Austria appeared victorious, but then the Magyar nation arose in its strength,—those noble four millions of men; all internal feuds and dissensions were forgotten for a while; under the valorous leaders and generals, who have earned themselves such bloody laurels Thus the war was virtually at an end. Klapka still held the fortress of Komorn gallantly, and succeeded, through his moral courage and resolution, in making good terms for himself and his garrison,-and Hungary lay at Austria's mercy. Many of her best and bravest, including a wise and gallant Batthyani, were mercilessly murdered: and then a calm ensued. The free and ancient monarchy had become a mere province of the Austrian empire: her aristocracy had lost their prerogatives, and almost their existence: the noblest nationality of Europe was to all appearance sacrificed, and despotism was triumphant. in this war,-Klapka, Georgey, Bem, Dem- | all, with the exception of Klapka, simultanebinsky, Guyon, the Hungarians were every-ously defeated in various quarters. where victorious, and their far more numerous adversaries were actually driven from the field of conflict. The Austrians altogether evacuated Hungary. Then, at that crisis, an advance on Vienna might have given a totally different termination to the war. But it was not to be: wisely, perhaps, it was ordained, that despotism should triumph rather than democratic anarchy. For, unfortunately, the internal politics of Hungary, under Kossuth's direction, (an enthusiast, but not a practical man,) had assumed more and more of a democratic aspect. A republiceven a democratic republic-was madly proclaimed, owing, in no small measure, to Polish influence, but mainly, we fear, to the folly of Kossuth. The aristocracy was thereby, in a great measure, alienated from this popular conflict for life or death: many Hungarians were afraid to fight for their country, when the presumed issue was to be the triumph of the mob, or the dictatorship of the dreamer Kossuth. Thus, too, and thus only, a fair excuse was given to the Austrian government for the calling in of Russian assistance against a democratic and republican, an essentially anti-monarchical movement! That assistance was not refused. How should it be under such circumstances? Austria and Russia's steel-clad legions advanced simultaneously from various quarters on a land torn with internal divisions, with its best and wisest, its proper leaders driven from the national councils, and a Kossuth elevated in their stead! Kossuth seems at this time to have monopolized all power as dictator; as far, that is, as the various generals would obey his orders, which was not often. There was little concerted action among them. Georgey felt an aversion to Kossuth, which he scarcely concealed; perhaps aimed at being himself dictator one day. At all events, all went wrong thenceforth. The Hungarians fought gallantly, indeed, perhaps more gallantly than ever they won one or two pitched battles; but they were fighting on the retreat, and every day their position grew more difficult. Georgey, from what motives it is difficult to ascertain, unless the mere love of counteracting Kossuth influenced him, (for we do not suspect him, we cannot, and will not, of being a predetermined traitor,) placed himself and his " corps d'armée" in the most dangerous position, risking all upon one desperate battle, which he lost; and then he surrendered at discretion, the remaining generals being Will Hungary, will the Magyar race, ever arise from the dead? Have they really sacrificed their existence to this phantom of a democracy and democratic republic? Time will show. Our fear is, that this great cause, the cause of national freedom, espoused and represented by one of the noblest aristocracies on earth, has been trampled down for ever and a day by the combined forces of despotism and democracy, by a Kossuth and an Austrian government; and we suspect that the home enemy was the direr foe of the twain! Has not the nation lost all confidence in its natural leaders? Are not those who are unwilling to be the serfs of Austria too willing now to hoist the red cap of democracy? If it prove not so,--if the ancient institutions and liberties of the nation can revive,-we shall rejoice indeed: for, of all our natural allies, the Magyar race is by far the most conspicuous. Constitutional liberty and loyalty have been at once their glory. They were a free and a gallant people, among whom wisdom held sway; not the voice of a single tyrant majority, that direst foe to reason and to right. Not omnipotent amongst them were 'the sweet voices" of the tagrag and bobtail," which certain politicians regard as the sure dispensers of a millennium. Carlyle, who amidst his wordy nonsense sometimes stumbles upon a truth, may read such men a lesson ::-"Do you expect, my friends, that your indispensable aristocracy of talent is to be enlisted straightway by some sort of recruitment aforethought, out of the general population, arranged in supreme regimental order, and set to rule over us? That it will be got sifted, like wheat out of chaff, from the twentyseven million British subjects, that any ballot-box, reform bill, or other political machine, with force of public opinion never so 66 66 |