SECOND NATIONAL CONVENTION

CHICAGO, ILLINOIS, MAY 16-18, 1860.

LINCOLN and HAMLIN.

The Second National Convention of the Republican party met under the most gratifying auspices, and, if possible, was more enthusiastic than its predecessor. The Republicans had carried every Northern state in which an election was held in 1859, with the exception of California; Oregon, where the opposition majority was but 59; New York, where the united vote of the Democrats and third party men was less than 2,000 more than the Republican vote, and Rhode Island, where they were defeated by a fusion of all the opposition elements.

All the free states were represented, delegates also being present from the states of Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, Texas and Virginia, and from the Territories of Kansas, Nebraska and the District of Columbia. There was some suspicion as to the status of some of the Western, Southern and Territorial delegates-Horace Greeley being a delegate from Oregon, and Don C. Henderson of Allegan, Mich., formerly a writer on the Tribune, a delegate from Texas-but they were finally given seats with diminished voting strength.

The report of the Committee on Credentials was recommitted, and as again reported was adopted. It assigned delegates as follows: Maine 16; New Hampshire 10; Vermont 10; Massachusetts 26; Rhode Island 8; Connecticut 12; New York 70; New Jersey 14; Pennsylvania 54; Maryland 11; Delaware 6; Virginia 23; Kentucky 23; Ohio 46; Indiana 26; Missouri 18; Michigan 12; Illinois 22; Wisconsin 10; Iowa 8; California 8; Minnesota 8; Oregon 5, and Texas 6; (Territories) Kansas 6; Nebraska 6; District of Columbia 2. Total 466.

David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, was chosen temporary chairman, and George Ashmun, of Massachusetts, permanent president.

On the second day's session there was a long debate over the resolution reported from the Committee on Order of Business, which

presented the question whether a majority of the whole number of delegates, comprising all of the states of the Union fully represented in the electoral college (304 votes), or only a majority of the delegates voting, should be necessary to nominate. The first proposition -almost the equivalent of the Democratic two-thirds rule-was resisted strenuously by the friends of Mr. Seward, and was rejected by yeas, 331; nays, 130.

The rules of the House of Representatives were then adopted for the government of the convention until otherwise ordered.

On Thursday (second day) Thomas Corwin of Ohio, from the Committee on Order of Business and Rules, reported the following rules, viz :

Rule 1. Upon all subjects before the Convention, the States and Territories shall be called in the following order:

Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware, Virginia, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana. Missouri, Texas, Wisconsin, Iowa, California, Minnesota, Oregon, Kansas, Nebraska, District of Columbia.

Rule 2. Four votes shall be cast by the delegates at Congressional District shall be entitled to two votes. shall be reported by its chairman.

large of each State, and each The votes of each delegation

Rule 3. The report of the Committee on Platform and Resolutions shall be acted upon before the Convention proceeds to ballot for candidates for President and VicePresident.

Rule 4. Three hundred and four votes, being a majority of the whole number of votes when all the States of the Union are represented in this Convention, according to the rates of representation presented in Rule 2, shall be required to nominate the candidates of this Convention for the offices of President and Vice-President.

Rule 5. The rules of the House of Representatives shall continue to be the rules of this Convention in so far as they are applicable and not inconsistent with the foregoing rules.

The platform, as reported by Mr. William Jessup, of Pennsylvania, from the Committee on Resolutions, was amended, and as adopted, is as follows:

Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the Republican electors of the United States, in convention assembled, in discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declarations :

1. That the history of the nation during the last four years, has fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and perpetuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph.

2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence and the federal constitution, "That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed," is essential to the preservation of our Republican institutions; and that the federal constitution, the rights of the States, and the union of the States must and shall be preserved.

3. That to the union of the States this nation owes its unprecedented increase in population, its surprising development of material resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at home and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may; and we congratulate the country that no Republican member of congress has uttered or countenanced the threats of disunion so often made by Democratic members without rebuke and with applause from their political associates; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendancy as denying the vital principles of a

free government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke and forever silence.

4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the rights of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.

5. That the present Democratic administration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions, in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as especially evinced in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton constitution upon the protesting people of Kansas; in construing the personal relation between master and servant to involve an unqualified property in persons; in its attempted enforcement, everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of Congress and of the federal courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely local interest; and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power intrusted to it by a confiding people.

6. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department of the federal Government; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the public treasury by favored partisans; while the recent startling developments of frauds and corruptions at the federal metropolis, show that an entire change of administration is imperatively demanded.

7. That the new dogma that the Constitution, of its own force, carries slavery into any or all the Territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its tendencies and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country.

8. That the normal condition of all of the territory of the United States is that of freedom; that as our Republican fathers, when they abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that "no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States.

9. That we brand the recent reopening of the African slave trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity and a burning shame to our country and age; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic.

10. That in the recent vetoes, by their federal governors, of the acts of the legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in those territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted Democratic principle of nonintervention and popular sovereignty embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of the deception and fraud involved therein.

11. That Kansas should of right, be immediately admitted as a State under the constitution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House of Representatives.

12. That, while providing revenue for the support of the general government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imposts as to encourage the development of the industrial interests of the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges, which secures to the workingmen liberal wages, to agriculture renumerative prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the Nation commercial prosperity and independence.

13. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the free homestead policy which regards the settlers as paupers or suppliants for public bounty; and we demand the passage by Congress of the complete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already passed the House.

14. That the Republican party is opposed to any change in our naturalization laws, or any State legislation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad.

15. That appropriations by Congress for river and harbor improvements of a national

character, required for the accommodation and security of an existing coinmerce, are authorized by the constitution, and justified by the obligation of government to protect the lives and property of its citizens.

16. That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean is imperatively demanded by the interests of the whole country; that the federal government ought to render immediate and efficient aid to its construction; and that, as preliminary thereto, a daily overland mail should be promptly established.

17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and views, we invite the co-operation of all citizens, however differing on other questions, who substantially agree with us in their affirmance and support.

The second resolution as reported from the committee did not contain the extract from the Declaration of Independence. It was moved as a separate resolution by Joshua R. Giddings of Ohio, "that we solemnly reassert the self-evident truth that all men, &c.,” but was defeated in that form, and then, on motion of George William Curtis of New York, was inserted in its present place.

It will be observed that this platform has a wider scope than that adopted at Philadelphia. At that convention the slavery question was uppermost in the minds of delegates and but three other subjects were embraced in the platform, viz: The acquisition of Cuba, a Pacific railroad, and river and harbor improvements. The elections in 1859 had made the Republican party National. All the free states were represented in the convention together with six slave states and the territories of Kansas, Nebraska and the District of Columbia. A spirited and stubborn contest arose in the Committee on Resolutions which threatened serious consequences. Horace Greeley was a member--representing Oregon—and he made a determined stand in favor of a strong protection plank and one equally strong against the further extension of slavery into the territories. In view of the fact that that platform may be said to have inaugurated the Republican party as a great national party, and laid down the lines which have since been followed very closely, and of the further fact that none of the histories or compilations of, or speeches or letters about the Chicago convention of 1860, furnish much information as to the contest over the platform adopted, the compiler has taken special pains to obtain as full data as possible of that memorable contest.

Hon. John A. Kasson of Iowa was the member from that state of the Committee on Resolutions, and is the sole surviving member of the sub-committee which prepared it. Learning from others the fact that the platform of 1860 was largely the work of Mr. Kasson, he was asked by the compiler to prepare a statement of the struggle over that platform, which he kindly consented to do and the same is herewith given, viz:

You are quite right in saying that the real foundation of the Republican party of the United States was laid in the National Convention of 1860, which nominated Abraham

Lincoln. The call for the Convention of 1856, at Philadelphia, was addressed to the people of the United States," without assuming any party name. Its object was to bring together for united action all who were opposed to the pro-slavery policy of the Buchanan administration. Thus, that convention assembled, so to speak, anonymously. The committee calling the convention did not style themselves "Republican," but simply "National Committee." Individuals offering resolutions in that convention used the name Republican," but the platform itself adopted no party

name.

In 1860 the official call was for "A National Republican Convention." The platform of 1860 further recognized the name by declaring the convention to be representative of the " Republican Electors of the United States," and demanding the perpetuation of the "Republican Party."

In that convention the General Committee on Resolutions consisted of twenty-seven members. At their first meeting a flood of resolutions was poured in upon them upon every possible topic of political agitation. There was material in them for several days of debate, ending in utter confusion. It was evident that an indefinite time would be consumed in their discussion if action was to be taken upon them by the full committee. After considerable discussion I moved that all of them be referred to a sub-committee of five members, who should report a platform for the consideration of the General Committee at 9 o'clock the next morning, which motion was adopted. Mr. William Jessup of Pennsylvania, Austin Blair of Michigan (subsequently its "War Governor "), Mr. F. P. Tracey of California, Horace Greeley representing Oregon, with myself from Iowa, constituted this sub-committee.

There existed in the country at that time four party elements of formidable strength, some of them differing in principle, all differing in policy on certain subjects vital to them. All of these were more or less represented in this convention, and in the General Committee on Platform. There was

1. A party for a high protective tariff; and a party for a mere revenue tariff.

2. A party in favor of confining the disposition of public land to actual settlers for homesteads; and another for their unlimited sale to all applicants, for the benefit of the Treasury.

3. A party in favor of restricting our naturalization laws, and diminishing the equal standing of naturalized and native citizens.

4. A party of extreme anti-slavery men, holding extreme theories for the abolition of slavery everywhere; and a more conservative anti-slavery party for limiting national agitation to the exclusion of slavery from all the territories, and recognizing the right of each State to regulate its own domestic institutions.

The members of the Republican Convention were united on the question of the nonextension of slavery; but on all other of these questions had brought into the party with them their own prior convictions and prejudices from the old Democratic, Whig, Native American, and Abolition parties. This made the work of nationalizing the new party on all the great principles of public policy extremely difficult. It was apparently to attempt the impossible.

Upon the first point of dissension-the Tariff-I personally undertook to educe from the various contradictory propositions a conciliatory resolution, and succeeded in winning approval in the manner shown in Article XII of the platform as adopted. Upon the second point I also took a special interest as a western man, and obtained the assent of the committee to a resolution in favor of actual settlers, as shown in Article XIII of the platform.

Upon the third point, that of the rights and privileges of naturalized citizens, it was necessary to stand up in a square fight with the native American element, and the sub-committee reported on that subject the resolution shown in Article XIV of the platform.

Upon the fourth point, that of the expression of our anti-slavery position, Mr. Greeley and myself were in opposition. The sub-committee finally accepted my views as necessary to the nationalization of the Republican party. These views were expressed in Articles II and IV of the platform as adopted, with a single exception. In the convention, the Abolitionists obtained the insertion in the second resolution of the extract from the Declaration of Independence, which is there inserted in quotation marks. To this there was no reasonable objection, as it expressed only what was already implied in the original draft. No other amendment was made to the platform in the convention.

Our sub-committee were out all night. Most of the essential points were settled by us by one or two o'clock in the morning. One after another the members withdrew for rest, until at daylight Mr. Greeley and myself alone remained. It was understood that I should put the platform into orderly arrangement as a whole. About sunrise Mr. Greeley left for the telegraph office, to send the often quoted despatch which appeared in the following issue of the TRIBUNE on the subject of the platform. Not