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HE first number of the REVIEW OF REVIEWS was published in January, 1890. With this number we begin our forty-third volume and our twenty-second year. The fact suggests a retrospect.

The continued publication of a monthly magazine in which the history of the progress of the world has been written almost continuously for twenty-one years by a single, hand is unusual, if not quite unprecedented. Only during my enforced absence through ill-health for two months in South Africa and during my stay in Chicago for four months in 1893-4 have the editorials of the REVIEW been written by anyone but the editor. In these and other rare instances of exception my place was taken by my brother or by my deceased son.

As I had been continuously in editorial harness for the previous twenty years on the Northern Echo and the Pall Mall Gazette, I can now look back over more than forty years, during which, day by day and month by month, it has been my duty to chronicle and criticise the contemporary events of our time. The last forty years have made sad havoc with the sovereigns and statesmen and editors who were in power when first I assumed the editorial chair. Of monarchs Francis Joseph alone survives. Of the men who occupied seats in the House of Commons in 1871 not a single representative remains. Mr. Burt, the father of the House of Commons, took his seat in 1874. Of the editors who conducted our daily newspapers and monthly reviews in 1871 hardly one, save Sir E. Russell of Liverpool, remains at his post, although Lord Morley, who then edited the Fortnightly Review, still survives as a Cabinet Minister. The leading positions to-day are held by men who, when I first, became editor, were either in short clothes, at school, or at college. I find myself at the age of sixty-one almost the solitary survivor of those whose acts and words I was criticising from day to day in 1871.

If this may be in some respects a depressing reflection, I take comfort in the thought that I have at least survived, and that now after forty years' continuous labour in one of the most exhausting of all professions I am much stronger and more vigorous than I was when I began my career. So far from journalism destroying the generous enthusiasms which inspired my youth, I am more of an optimist than I My interests in life are not only wider

ever was.

and more varied, but my zest is unabated. I am as keen as ever I was, and as ready to plunge into new studies, investigations, or speculations as I was in the early seventies. So far from the disillusioning experience of the stern realities of life having resulted in

The hardening of the heart that brings
Irreverence for the dreams of youth,

it has been altogether the other way on with me. believe as much as ever in God and all good things, but I have added thereto a comforting belief in the goodness of that badness of things which finds theological expression in the Devil and all his works. I have even ceased to accept as an article of faith the doctrine of the total depravity of the Tory Party. Experience has taught me to believe more than ever in man and still more in woman.

The "glory-winged dreams" of what lies hidden. behind the veil of the Future continue to allure me with their "golden gleams" to press ever upward and onward with a confident expectation that, as in the past, I shall find it ever "better on before." I have not been without rude awakenings. I remember two such. The first was the return of a Tory majority in 1874; the second was the war with the Dutch Republics in 1899. Such national apostacies tried me sore. But the national conscience never slumbered long. Mr. Gladstone's clarion voice aroused it in 1876, and the phenomenal majority of 1906 remains in history as a monumental record of national repentance for wanton war.

But this record should properly be limited to the shorter, although somewhat lengthy, period of oneand-twenty years during which the readers of the REVIEW OF REVIEWS and their editor have journeyed together. Of those notables who sent me kindly God-speeds when I projected the REVIEW-Queen Victoria, the Empress Frederick, and King Edward -all are dead. So also are Mr. Gladstone, Lord Salisbury, Lord Dufferin, Cardinal Manning, the Duke of Devonshire, the Earl of Carnarvon, two Chief Justices of England, the Earl of Derby, and Lord Randolph Churchill. Death has made not less unsparing havoc among the men of letters who, like Mr. Froude and Mr. Meredith, gave me their benediction. It is easier to enumerate the survivors than to mention the departed. Mr. Balfour, Lord James of Hereford, Mr. Labouchere, Archbishop Walsh, Lord Wolseley, Principal Fairbairn, Thomas Burt,

Mrs. Besant, Mrs. Fawcett, and Bramwell Booth alone remain.

How many subscribers to the first number are also faithfully subscribing to the 253rd there is no means of computing. But there are many thousands who have remained staunch and loyal, tolerating what, no doubt, many of them consider as my vagaries, and continuing month by month to renew their contact with the best thought in the periodicals of the world through the pages of the REVIEW. To all such I give my heartiest New Year's greeting. May we have many other such anniversary celebrations, for the relation between editor and readers has ever been more intimate in this REVIEW than that of a mere cash basis of annual subscription!

It is a somewhat fearsome thought that litera scripta manet, and that an unbroken record of over forty years of comment and criticism is available as materials for the Angel of Judgment wherewith to frame his indictment of one poor mortal who has been presumptuous enough to try to help in shaping the destinies of a nation. On the whole I feel that I can contemplate that square mileage of printed words with gratitude if not with complacency. I have ploughed my furrow straight. What I tried to teach my readers in 1871 in all its essential fundamentals I have gone on trying to teach them ever since. Parties have swung to and fro, but to the doctrine which I set forth as essential for national and imperial salvation when but out of my teens I have remained faithful for forty years, and, please God, will remain faithful to the end.

"A few strong instincts and a few plain rules," inherited and acquired from my parents, have proved safe guides across the uncharted wilderness of "From Day to Day." Honesty is the best policy," "Put yourself in his place," "Do unto another what you would that he should do unto you," are landmarks that saved me from many of the pitfalls and quagmires in which the nation from time to time lost its way. The constant sense of being ever in the Great Taskmister's eye, reinforced by the consciousness that each and every man of us is a junior partner of the Almighty, has delivered me often from what might have been very serious temptations.

The principles which the REVIEW was founded to teach have never been departed from. A passionate patriotism, never more severely attested than when it led me to offer unflinching opposition month after month, year after year, to the iniquitous war waged in South Africa by the Jingo Ministry, has been our note hroughout. Combined with this there has been a

not less enthusiastic affirmation of the essential unity of the English-speaking world. And supplementing these two great affirmations there has been the strenuous affirmation of the universal International World State which is even now looming dimly on the horizon as the United States of the World.

On the whole, looking back over the twenty-one years, the most outstanding fact, and one with which the REVIEW OF REVIEWS was privileged to have some considerable part, has been the Hague Conference. But for the peace crusade of 1898-9, the Peace Conference would have been indefinitely postponed, if, indeed, it had ever taken place. It has now been established as the germ of the Parliament of the World. In 1890 none of us ventured to hope that so great an ideal would so soon be triumphantly realised, nor did I in my fondest dreams ever anticipate that I should have been privileged to play any part, however humble, in bringing it into being. I also note not without gratitude that the suggestion of a large endowment of the propaganda of peace was made to Mr. Carnegie in our Christmas Annual of 1899. I modestly suggested a million. Mr. Carnegie has given two, so that my hopes have been exceeded by 100 per cent. This again surely entitles us to thank God and take courage.

After the Hague Conference the next conspicuous service the REVIEW OF REVIEWS was able to render to the cause of peace and of the Empire was the thankless and costly opposition it offered to the South African War. That Louis Botha is Premier of United South Africa to-day is due mainly to the unflinching opposition which the pro-Boers offered to the war. It was that, and that alone, which inspired the Boers with sufficient confidence in the good faith of the English to undertake loyally to govern South Africa under the British flag. Here, again, no one in 1890 could have foreseen that time of storm and stress. If, twenty-one years ago, it had been predicted that I should have been fated to oppose Milner and Rhodes, and to become the passionate upholder of the Boers. when in battle array against a British Government, I should have exclaimed, "Is thy servant a dog that he should do this thing?" But when the time came I never had a moment's doubt as to the duty that was laid upon me. I lost heavily. Many of my old readers forsook me. I was denounced as a traitor. But by no other course could I have rendered such service to the Empire. service to the Empire. Most people see it now. But few saw it then.

In the promotion of the great cause of the unity

of the English-speaking world it was our privilege to help in three directions. Mr. Henniker Heaton has often generously referred to the assistance given by the REVIEW to the movement now completely successful for establishing penny postage through the British Empire and the United States of America. The second achievement was the extension of the Rhodes Scholarships to the United States of America. The third was the part the REVIEW was privileged to play in organising the great demonstration in favour of friendship with America which was called for by the menace of an Anglo-American war over the Venezuelan Question. It is all forgotten now, but in 1896 the memorial in favour of Anglo-American friendship and the great demonstration at the Queen's Hall were potent factors in averting what threatened then to inflict irreparable injury on the civilisation of the world.

In European affairs, the policy advocated by the REVIEW of friendship and co-operation with Russia seemed for a long time a very forlorn hope. But before King Edward died he established the AngloRussian entente at the Revel interview, and the Governments of Russia and England have succeeded in arriving at a working understanding which secures the peace and averts the partition of Persia. No sooner, however, was the Russian bogey dismantled than the enemy of mankind established the German bogey in his place. To combat this a series of international visits was organised. The invitation to the German editors emanated from our office. The success of that visit led to an even more successful return visit. Then came the interchange of visits between the Churches of Germany and of Britain, of working men, of burgomasters and municipalities. Of equal importance for the maintenance of the peace and the strengthening of the peace party in Germany against their own Jingoes has been the unswerving support which we have ever been able to give to the only sound policy-that of making no protest against the increase of the German navy, but of steadily maintaining the status quo by laying down two keels here for every keel laid down in German shipyards.

In this connection must be noted the success which attended our efforts to secure the creation of an international hospitality fund as a small permanent charge upon the National Exchequer. Mr. Lloyd George was willing to vote the full "decimal point one" formula by which for every £1,000 spent on the Army and Navy £1 should be devoted to a fund to be used for the active promotion of peace and good

In other parts of the British Empire the principles advocated by the REVIEW have made steady progress. Australia has been federated, and in British India some progress has been made towards associating our Indian fellow-subjects in the responsible government of their own country. It is a matter of some consolation to feel that in turning over the pages of the REVIEW No Indian will find any editorial remark that has not been consistently and earnestly in favour of every practical effort to realise their national aspirations.

Turning to home affairs, the question of social reform has made great advance. One of the earliest efforts suggested to our Helpers was the humanisation of the workhouse and the appointment of a Royal Commission on the Poor Law. The little pamphlet, "The Workhouse Christ," was one of the pioneers of the movement now headed by Mr. and Mrs. Sidney Webb, of which the Minority Report of the Poor Law Commission is the latest outcome. Old Age Pensions, that great landmark in social reform, owes much more to my brother Herbert than to me; but the REVIEW from 1890 onwards was a constant force in favour of this recognition of the rights of the veterans of industry. Another notable event in the social history of the last twenty-one years was the launching of the social scheme of the Salva tion Army. As the amanuensis of General Booth in writing "In Darkest England" and in promoting the scheme at the outset, I think I may say truly that I was able to help the General more than any man outside the Army.

One great ideal of the REVIEW was that of calling into existence a Civic Church, in which all altruistic persons and associations-municipal, religious, in dustrial, and philanthropic-might organise voluntary efforts for the attainment of objects on which they were all agreed. It met with a partial success, but the ideal was too far removed from the ordinary man. It imparted an impetus to the federation of the Free Churches, and in America it led to the formation first of the Chicago Civic Federation, and afterwards to the National Civic Federation, which is still in full and useful vigour. Rev. R. J. Campbell's new organisation is the latest of many attempts to realise in part the full ideal which our Helpers' Association was designed to promote.

From the first the REVIEW has been a faithful and

uncompromising advocate of the equal rights of all citizens, even if they be women, to share the privileges, as they have to bear the obligations, of the State. I am proud to think that it was in our office that Mrs. Wolstenholme Elmy first gave the signal for the great uprising of women which has done so much to energise the agitation for woman's full emancipation. Woman's suffrage has made great strides since 1890. Finland, Sweden and Norway, in Europe; Australia; and various States in the American Republic, have recognised the justice of a claim which cannot be long refused even at Westminster. It was in Help, a monthly supplement of the REVIEW, that Lady Aberdeen outlined the case for a woman's union for women, which has been splendidly realised in the International Women's Union over which she so worthily presides.

In the domain of public morals the REVIEW had to perform an unpleasant but unavoidable duty in maintaining the sound doctrine that the private morals of public men were a matter of public con

cern.

The notion that law-makers should not be law-breakers, and that legislators for the welfare of the nation should not be chosen from men publicly branded by courts of law as guilty of destroying the peace and happiness of their neighbour's home, was fiercely resented in many quarters. We were unable to secure the acceptance of this simple doctrine by the electors of the Forest of Dean, but it was sufficiently obvious to render impossible the leadership of Mr. Parnell. It was heartbreaking work. But the justice of the demand was admitted even by some of those who suffered from it. The memory of the stand made then remains as a salutary warning for all who in the future may aspire to a high place in the national councils.

Turning to the field of politics pure and simple, the twenty-one years close with a signal triumph for one of the causes with which the REVIEW has ever been most closely identified. In articles, in pamphlets, and in books we have kept up the war against the Peers. Our "Peers and People" has been one of the most-used handbooks of the campaign which has at last culminated in a decisive defeat of the hereditary Chamber. With regard to another great cause, victory seems to be on the threshold. The cause of Home Rule for Ireland has passed through many vicissitudes. But unless some untoward and unforeseen ill-fortune once more should baulk our hopes, Mr. Gladstone's aspirations are now in a fair way of being realised. Along the third great line of advance, that of practical Municipal Socialism, much has been has been

done, despite the unfortunate success of the Moderates at the last two County Council elections in London. In the early days our London Electors' Handbook did good service to the Progressive

cause.

Of other movements with which we were not so closely identified, although they never failed to command our support, the Licensing Question and the Education Question stand very much where they did. There has been progress in labour reform, employers' liability, labour registries, and the like. The Congo Reform Association held one of its earliest meetings, if not the very earliest, in our office. We anticipated King George in his cry "Wake up!" for "Wake Up! John Bull" was the title of our business supplement long before the King on his return from abroad gave the watchword "Wake up! England" at the Guildhall.

The

Looking over the twenty-one years I see a distinct growth in the appreciation of the Monarchy and a perceptible dwindling in the fervour-outside Wales-with which Disestablishment is advocated. Conservative Party has ceased to be conservative. It is now associated with revolutionary proposals in connection with our fiscal system, our Second Chamber, and the Referendum. None of these things could have been foreseen twenty-one years ago. Possibly in the next twenty-one years we shall have to head a movement for the re-conversion of Conservatives to Conservatism. Dead weight is as necessary for the stability of the ship of State as the machinery by which she is driven. The sudden conversion of ballast into gas is a serious danger to the stability of the vessel.

On the whole, I think that our readers and friends and Helpers may close this retrospect of twenty-one years with the comforting reflection that although by no means everything has been done that was outlined in 1891, a great deal more has actually been accomplished than the most sanguine amongst us ventured to believe was possible. If the part we were privileged to play in the great world-drama which has held the stage for twenty-one years was more humble than I have ventured to indicate, we may at least claim the verdict of our opponents that we have never flinched and never faltered, and that we have never turned our backs to the foe. Nor can anyone discover in these forty-two volumes a page which does not ring true to the keynote sounded in the "Address to all English-speaking People" with which we prefaced the first number of the REVIEW just twenty-one years ago.