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ernment when established is to be their government, and not ours, it will not take many soldiers to restore order. Republicans ask, shall we turn that nation loose to be seized upon by other nations? I say that for nearly a century we have protected the republics of Central and South America, not by governing them, but by announcing to the world. that any interference with them, would be considered an act of unfriendliness toward us, and so we can say in a broader sense that when this nation helps a republic to stand upon its feet, the ground whereon that republic stands is holy ground, and that no king shall ever set foot upon that ground again. You tell me that there is a new destiny before this nation. I tell you, my friends, that the nation's destiny is what the nation makes it. If it was the destiny of Cain to slay Abel, it was also his destiny to wear the brand of a murderer forever afterward. It may be the destiny of this nation to turn from its high ideals down to the doctrine of kingdoms and empires, but if that is its destiny it can not be its destiny to be a light unto the world. Tell me that we are pleading the cause of the Filipinos? No, my friends, we are pleading the cause of the American people. If the Filipinos were to die to-morrow the world would go on; but if this nation ceases to be a republic, the light of civilization goes out. To what nation then could struggling humanity look for hope and inspiration? Oh, my friends, if you want to see the blighting influence of this doctrine upon the conscience of the American people, let me point you to what is going on now down in Southern Africa; a republic is fighting against a monarchy. In every contest heretofore between monarchy and republicanism the

American people have expressed their sympathy. · When Greece was struggling to be free Webster and Clay employed their eloquence in defense of a resolution pledging sympathy. When the Cubans were fighting for their liberty all parties declared the sympathy of the American people; but what do we find now? We find that when the English government is attempting to take from the people of the Boer republic the right to govern themselves, the people who believe in imperialism in this country dare not say a word to express their sympathy with the people over there. This is the paralysis that is already creeping over this nation.

In my

My friends, I am no hater of England. veins runs English blood as well as Irish and Scotch blood. I do not mean to say one word against any race or any nation; but, my friends, when you tell me that the English government or any government can do anything for this nation that lays it under obligations to forget the principles of our government, I tell you that we have lived without for-eign aid for a century and can still live a thousand years without foreign assistance if we are true to our own principles.

If this nation enters upon a career of imperialism it ceases to be a moral factor in the world's progress. If this nation enters upon a career of conquest it is not in position to raise its protest against that doctrine when applied by other nations.

You ask me what my ideal of this nation's destiny is; I tell you that it is to show to the world what self-government can do for a people; it is to make this the greatest republic on earth, the greatest republic of history; and then as we grow in strength, in population and in influence, we can raise our

voice with increasing emphasis, in behalf of truth and justice. I want this nation to stand erect and be able to say at all times that the people in this nation sympathize with anybody who is willing to die for liberty.

But, my friends, pardon me talking so long. I have not been in Baltimore since campaign days. I do not know when I shall be able to talk to the people of this city again. You have come out in such great numbers; you have listened with such. attention, and you have encouraged me with such cordial approval, that I have talked longer than I intended to. I want to tell you that the fight for the great fundamental principles of this government as against plutocracy is on. No human being. can tell what the result will be. a vicious doctrine running through all the Republican policies, and that that vicious doctrine is that the dollar is worth more than the man.

I believe there is

I want, if I can, to help to restore a government founded upon the Declaration of Independence, and administered according to the doctrine of Jefferson; a government that will stand as it did in Jackson's days, between a bank aristocracy and the people.

But, my friends, I can not tell you what fate has decreed, I can not tell you whether it is to be our lot to triumph, and in our triumph lay the foundation again in the old places, and raise again the ancient landmarks which the fathers had set up. I can not tell; but if it is fate that this nation is to cease to be a republic, and become an empire, if it is destiny that this, the greatest republic of history, is to extinguish its light and follow in the lead of the monarchies of the old world; if in the providence of God the time has come for the pendulum

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to swing back toward the dark ages and the triumph of brute force, I pray to God that the Democratic party may go down to eternal death with the republic, rather than to live when the doctrine of self-government is abandoned.

CHAPTER VII.

ADDRESS BY HON. WILLIAM J. BRYAN,

DELIVEKED AT THE CHICAGO ANTI-TRUST CONFERENCE SEPTEMBER 16, 1899.

The trust principle is not a new principle, but the trust principle is manifesting itself in so many ways and the trusts have grown so rapidly that people now feel alarmed about trusts who did not feel alarmed three years ago. The trust question has grown in importance, because within two years. more trusts have been organized, when we come to consider the capitalization and the magnitude of the interests involved, than were organized in all the previous history of the country, and the people now come face to face with this question: Is the trust a blessing or a curse? If a curse, what remedy can be applied to the curse?

I want to start with the declaration that a monopoly in private hands is indefensible from any standpoint, and intolerable. I make no exceptions to the rule. I do not divide monopolies in private hands into good monopolies and bad monopolies. There is no good monopoly in private hands. There can be no good monopoly in private hands until the Almighty sends us angels to preside over the monopoly. There may be a despot who is better than another despot, but there is no good despotism. One trust may be less harmful than another. One trust magnate may be more benevolent than another, but there is no good monopoly in private hands, and I do not believe it is safe for society to

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