opposed to any life tenure whatever for office. Our fathers before us, our democratic fathers, whom we revere, in the establishment of this government, gave our court judges a life tenure of office. What necessity was there for reviving this question? How foolish and how unnecessary, in my opinion. Our democrats, whose whole lives have been devoted to the service of the party, men whose hopes, whose ambitions, whose aspirations, all lie within party lines, are to be driven out of the party upon this new question of life tenure for the court judges of our federal court. This is a revolutionary step, this is an unwise step, this is an unprecedented step in our party history."

"Another question that I think should have been avoided, and that is this: What was the necessity, what the propriety of taking up the vexed question of the issue of bonds for the preservation of the credit of the nation? Why not have left this financial question of the free coinage of silver alone? What have you declared? You have announced the policy that under no circumstances shall there ever be a single bond issued in times of peace. You have not excepted anything. What does this mean? It means the virtual repeal of your resumption act; it means repudiation per se and simple.

The statement is too broad, the statement is too sweeping; it has not been carefully considered. You even oppose congress doing it; you even oppose the president doing it; vou oppose them doing it either singly or unitedly; you stand upon the broad proposition that for no purpose, whether to protect the currency or notwhether to preserve your national credit or for any other purposeshall there be a bond issued. Why, how surprising that would be to my democratic associates in the senate who for the last two or three years have introduced bill after bill for the issuing of bonds for the Nicaragua Canal and other purposes.

"No, no, my friends, this platform has not been wisely considered. In your zeal for monetary reform you have gone out of the true path; you have turned from the true course, and in your anxiety to build up the silver currency you have unnecessarily put in this platform provisions which cannot stand a fair discussion. Let me tell you, my friends, without going into a discussion of the bond question proper, which is somewhat foreign to this subject-let me tell you what would be the condition of this country today if the President of the United States, in the discharge of the public duty that is conferred upon him, had not seen fit to issue bonds to protect the credit of the government. The democratic party has passed a tariff bill which, unfortunately, has not produced a sufficient revenue to meet the necessities of the government. There has been a deficit of about fifty millions a year. It is hoped that in the near future this bill will produce ample revenues for the support of the government, but in the meantime your greenback currency and your treasury notes must be redeemed when they are presented, if you would preserve the honor and the credit of the nation. Where would the money have come from if your President and your southern secretary of the treasury had not

discharged their duty by the issuing of bonds to save the credit of the country?

"Let me call your attention to the figures. There has been issued during this administration $262,000,000 of bonds. What amount of money have you in the treasury today? Only just about that sum. Where would you have obtained the means with which to redeem your paper money if it had not been pro duced by the sale of bonds? Why, my friend Tillman could not have had money enough out of the treasury from his salary to pay his expenses home.

"Mr. President, I reiterate to this convention that this has brought into this canvass an unnecessary, a foolish issue, which puts us on the defense in every school district in the state.

"I do not propose to detain you by any other criticism of this platform at this time. It is sufficient that you have entered upon an issue on which the democracy is largely divided. In addition to that you have unwisely brought into this platform other quesions foreign to the main question, and made the support of them the test of democracy. I do not think that this was the course that should have been pursued. Mr. President, there is time enough yet to retrace these false steps. The burdens you have imposed upon us in the eastern states in the support of this platform in its question relating to silver is all that can be reasonably borne. But in addition to that you have put upon us the question of the preservation of the public credit. You have brought into it the question of the issuing of bonds. You have brought into it the question of the reconstruction of the supreme court. You have brought into it the question of the issuing of paper money. You have brought into it the great question of life tenure in office. And this platform is full of incongruous and absurd provisions which are proposed to be made the test of true democracy.

"Mr. President, it is not for me to revive any question of sec tionalism, and I shall not do it. This country is now at peace, all sections of it, and let it so remain. I care not from what section of the country the democrat comes, so long as he is true to the fun damental principles of our fathers. I will take him by the hand and express my friendly sentiments toward him. The question of sectionalism will creep in in spite of the efforts of our best men to keep it out. I oppose this platform because I think it makes our success more difficult. I want the grand old party with which I have been associated from my boyhood to be-I have looked forward to the day when it should be securely intrenched in the affections of the American people. I dislike the republican party. I dislike all their tenets. I have no sympathy with their general principles; but I do think that we are here today making a mistake in the venture which we are about to take. Be not deceived. Do not attempt to drive old democrats out of the party that have grown gray in its service, to make room for a lot of republicans and old whigs and other populists that will not vote your ticket after all.

"Do not attempt to trade off the vote of little New Jersey, that never failed to give its electoral vote, and take the experiment of some state out west that has always given its vote to the republican ticket. I tell you that no matter who your candidate may be in this convention, with possibly one exception, your populist friends, upon whom you are relying for support in the west and south, will nominate their own ticket, and your silver forces will be divided. Mark the prediction which I make.

"Some one says 'No.' Who are authorized to speak for the populist party here in a democratic convention? I saw upon this platform the other day an array of them, giving countenance and support to this movement, men who never voted a democratic ticket in their lives, and never expect to. They have organized this party. They are the men who attempted to proscribe democrats all over this union. They are the men who were crying against us in the days that tried men's souls-during the war.

"My friends, I thus speak more in sorrow than in anger. You know what this platform means to the east. You must realize the result. But, calamitous as it may be to us, it will be more calamitous to you if, after all, taking these risks, you do not win this fight. My friends, we want the democratic party to succeed. We want to build it up. We do not want to tear it down. We want our principles-the good old principles of Jefferson, Jackson, of Tilden, of hard money, of safe money. We want no greenback currency on our plates. We want no paper currency whatever. We want to stand by the principles under which we have won during the history of this country, and made it what it is. If we keep in the good old paths of the party, we can win. If we depart from them we shall lose."

CHAPTER XIV.

THE PRESIDENTIAL NOMINATION.

There occurred the most exciting moments of the convention after Mr. Bryan had concluded his speech. The delegates were impressed by his manner and the tide in his favor was augmented. The voting upon the majority and minority reports on the platform began and, while the existing administration was not censured, it was not endorsed, though resolutions had been offered to both effects. The immediate result was the adoption in its entirety of the platform. The main issue up to this time in the history of the convention was now practically decided. The real struggle between the candidates had begun.

It was evident from the time of the wild demonstration at the conclusion of Bryan's speech that the complexion of affairs had changed and that a new and formidable candidate was fairly in the field: No sooner had the convention adjourned than active work began on the part of his friends, and the fact soon became generally recognized that the contest laid practically between him and Bland. At the subsequent short session when the nominating speeches were made he was placed formally in the field.

Balloting began immediately upon the assembling of

the convention at ten o'clock in the morning of July 10th. The Bryan boom had survived the night, and it redoubled its force with the opening of the convention. Every candidate except the Nebraska man had lost strength.

Permanent Chairman White, of California, called the convention to order, and not long thereafter gave way to Congressman Richardson. W. F. Harrity presented Robert E. Pattison, of Pennsylvania, and the chairman of the Oregon delegation nominated Sylvester Pennoyer. Then the roll call began. Alabama voted twenty-two for Boies without attracting much attention, and the call proceeded without discussion until Michigan was reached, when Stevenson, Don Dickinson's partner, who led the fight for gold in that state, challenged the announcement of five for Bland, seven for Bryan and four for Boies. The roll of the state was called, and he declined to vote. So did nine others. The vote was finally announced as first read.

At the call for New Je sey Allen McDermott, the chairman of the delegation, announced that the state would not vote. A man in the Indiana delegation rose and shouted: "Those fellows are republicans and ought to be turned out." Ex-Governor Flower's announcement that New York would not vote was hissed, and cries of "Throw them out!" arose from the galleries.

The first difficulty of the ballot occurred when Wisconsin was reached. General Bragg, chairman of the delegation, announced that Wisconsin would not vote. This announcement called forth a protest from certain silver members of the delegation. General Bragg insisted that Wisconsin was under the unit rule, and that he had correctly reported the sentiments of the delega