"Sage of Wolfred Roost," as did delegates from North Dakota, Tennessee and Hawaii.

S. M. Gates, of North Carolina, presented the name of Col. Julian Carr from his state.

In the meanwhile the convention became impatient over the long list of seconding speeches and the endless flow of oratory, and frequent calls of "time" had the effect of cutting short a great many of the speeches. "Vote, vote," came from all parts of the hall, and after Wisconsin from the floor had seconded Stevenson, the secretary was directed to call the roll of states on the first ballot. Before this was done, J. Hamilton Lewis, of Washington, got up and announced his withdrawal from the race. His was the last speech before the rollcall, and he was loudly cheered.

The start did not bear out the claims of the Stevenson men that the south would be solid for the Illinois man, for Alabama only gave him three out of its twentytwo votes. Hill received the remainder, and his followers in New York and New Jersey shouted their approval. The first loud cheering came when Illinois cast fortyeight votes for her favorite son. From then on there was a steady flow of announcements for the Illinois man. Indiana, except two that were for Towne; Iowa, Kansas, and all but two from Maine, trooped along for Stevenson, with only an interruption when Louisiana cast her sixteen for Hill.

Maryland cast sixteen votes for J. Walter Smith, and then Massachusetts came forward with something all around. Hill got thirteen, Towne six, and Stevenson six. Minnesota cast her full eighteen votes for Towne. This was offset by Mississippi, casting an equal number of votes for Stevenson.

Missouri had a divided vote, of which Stevenson

received the heavy end, twenty-three; Hill, six; Towne, three; Danforth, one; Governor Hogg, of Texas, one. This division of votes was immediately dubbed "The Missouri Compromise." New Jersey cast twenty votes for Hill, followed immediately by the Empire state with seventy-two more. There was a demonstration at these announcements.

Then came a long list of states that added heavily to the Stevenson column. Pennsylvania cast sixty-four for the Illinois man. Tennessee, which went solid for Hill, was the only break in the Stevenson list that included Rhode Island, Utah, Vermont, Virginia. Washington left Lewis to go for Towne, then along came the Stevenson troopers again with West Virginia, Wisconsin (except three for Towne), Wyoming, Alaska, and five out of Arizona's six; Hawaii closed the list by casting six votes for Hill.

When the roll-call was completed, a mad rush took place for the Stevenson band wagon. Tennessee led off by shifting her twenty votes from Hill to Stevenson. Alabama and Washington made changes, and then New York came into the fold. The last change was a signal for a tearing up of the state standards all over the hall. Led by Illinois, the state insignia was borne to the front, and a parade started around the hall. There was little cheering, the attention of the delegates being centered on the efforts of the few remaining states to be recorded as unanimously for Stevenson.

The vote of the three leading candidates before any changes were made were as follows: Stevenson, 559%; Hill, 200; Towne, 1222.

However, amid much confusion, every delegate was in line for Stevenson when the chairman announced the result as a unanimous vote. The usual formal resolution

of thanks to Kansas City and to the officers of the convention were adopted amid the greatest confusion, and at 3:21 p. m., July 6, the National Democratic Convention of 1900 adjourned without date.

CHAPTER II.

DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM FOR 1900.

The following is the full text of the platform adopted at the Democratic National Convention at Kansas City, Mo., July 5, 1900:

We, the representatives of the Democratic party of the United States, assembled in national convention on the anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration of Independence, do reaffirm our faith in that immortal proclamation of the inalienable rights of man, and our allegiance to the constitution framed in harmony therewith by the fathers of the republic. We hold with the United States Supreme Court that the Declaration of Independence is the spirit of our government, of which the constitution is the form and letter.

We declare again that all governments instituted among men derive their just powers from the consent of the governed; that any government not based upon the consent of the governed is a tyranny; and that to impose upon any people a government of force is to substitute the methods of imperialism for those of a republic.

We hold that the constitution follows the flag, and denounce the doctrine that an Executive or Congress, deriving their existence and their powers from the constitution, can exercise lawful authority beyond it or in violation of it.

We assert that no nation can long endure half republic and half empire, and we warn the American people that imperialism abroad will lead quickly and inevitably to despotism at home.

Believing in these fundamental principles, we denounce the Porto Rico law, enacted by a Republican Congress against the protest and opposition of the Democratic minority, as a bold and open violation of the nation's organic law and a flagrant breach of the national good faith. It imposes upon the people of Porto Rico a government without their consent and taxation without representa

tion.

It dishonors the American people by repudiating a solemn pledge made in their behalf by the commanding General of our army, which the Porto Ricans welcomed to a peaceful and unresisted occupation of their land. It doomed to poverty and distress a people whose helplessness appeals with peculiar force to our justice and magnanimity.

In this, the first act of its imperialistic program, the Republican

party seeks to commit the United States to a colonial policy inconsistent with Republican institutions and condemned by the Supreme Court in numerous decisions.

We demand the prompt and honest fulfillment of our pledge to the Cuban people and the world that the United States has no disposition nor intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over the Island of Cuba, except for its pacification. The war ended nearly two years ago, profound peace reigns over all the island, and still the administration keeps the government of the island from its people while Republican carpet bag officials plunder its revenues and exploit the colonial theory to the disgrace of the American people.

We condemn and denounce the Philippine policy of the present administration. It has involved the republic in unnecessary war, sacrificed the lives of many of our noblest sons, and placed the United States, previously known and applauded throughout the world as the champion of freedom, in the false and un-American position of crushing with military force the efforts of our former allies to achieve liberty and self-government.

The Filipinos cannot be citizens without endangering our civilization; they cannot be subjects without imperiling our form of government, and as we are not willing to surrender our civilization or to convert the republic into an empire, we favor an immediate declaration of the nation's purpose to give to the Filipinos, first, a stable government; second, independence, and, third, protection from outside interference, such as has been given for nearly a century to the republics of Central and South America.

The greedy commercialism which dictated the Philippine policy of the Republican administration attempts to justify it with the plea that it will pay, but even this sordid and unworthy plea fails when brought to the test of facts. The war of criminal aggression against the Filipinos, entailing an annual expense of many millions, has already cost more than any possible profit that could áccrue from the entire Philippine trade for years to come.

Furthermore, when trade is extended at the expense of liberty, the price is always too high.

We

But

We are not opposed to territorial expansion when it takes in desirable territory which can be erected into States in the Union and whose people are willing and fit to become American citizens. favor trade expansion by every peaceful and legitimate means. we are unalterably opposed to the seizing or purchasing of distant islands to be governed outside the constitution and whose people can never become citizens.

We are in favor of extending the republic's influence among the nations, but believe that influence should be extended, not by force and violence, but through the persuasive power of a high and honorable example.

The importance of other questions now pending before the American people is in no wise diminished, and the Democratic party takes no backward step from its position on them, but the burning issue of imperialism growing out of the Spanish war in