was sharply arrested by Mr. Cleveland's third annual message, Dec. 6, 1887, for it was devoted to an assault on the protective tariff laws, upon which he was previously thought to hold a conservative position. A bill was immediately introduced in the House by Mr. Mills, embodying the President's views and policy, and the two parties were arrayed in support or opposition to it. Then occurred a most remarkable debate. Absenting himself from Congress a few days, Mr. McKinley returned to Canton, Dec. 13, 1887, and delivered a masterly address before the Ohio State Grange on "The American Farmer." In this he declared against alien landholding, and advised his hearers to remain true to their faith in protection. We must avoid in this country," said he, "the holding of large tracts of land by nonresident owners for speculative purposes, and set our faces against alien landholding in small or large tracts. Our public domain must be rededicated to our own people, and neither foreign syndicates nor domestic corporations must be permitted to divert it from the hallowed purpose of actual settlement and cultivation by real farmers." He also went to Boston and discussed before the Home Market Club, Feb. 9, 1888, the question of "free raw material," upon which the majority in the House counted confidently to divide their Republican opponents, with such breadth and force that the doctrine was abandoned in New England, where it was supposed to be strongest.

party necessity is great enough to force its adherents against the country's best interests. I care not what in the future may be the party name which stands for this system, which stands for the people, I will follow its flag under whatever designation or leadership, because it is my country's flag and represents its greatness and its glory." Both Congress and the country heartily applauded this speech. The feeling among his colleagues may be shown by an incident of the day. Judge Kelley, the Republican leader of the House, had chosen McKinley to close the debate, but Mr. Haskell had begged that privilege, and McKinley at once conceded it to him. When McKinley sat down, Haskell leaned over his desk, just back of McKinley's, and, clasping the latter's hand enthusiastically, declared, “Major, I shall speak last, but you have closed the debate." The press of the country gave it unusual attention, Republican committees scattered millions of copies of it, and it became a text-book of the campaign. At the Ohio convention of 1888 McKinley was elected a delegate at large to the Republican National Convention, and took an active part in its proceedings. As chairman of the Committee on Resolutions he had a large share in the preparation of the platform, reported it to the convention, and secured its unanimous adoption. He was from the start the choice of many delegates for President, and when it was ascertained that Mr. Blaine would not accept the On Feb. 29 he addressed the House on the bill to regulate nomination, a movement in his favor began. All the Rethe purchase of Government bonds, not so much in opposi-publican congressmen then in Washington, considering his tion to the measure, for he heartily favored their retirement availability greater than that of any name presented, united as speedily as possible, but because of the wrong impression in a telegram urging his selection. But he had gone to the sought to be conveyed. The President and the Secretary of convention committed to John Sherman, and viewed with the Treasury, he said, had always had abundant authority abhorrence the idea of himself accepting an honor which to buy bonds as fast as the revenues admitted, and "their he was earnestly seeking for another. The first day's balulterior motive in piling up a surplus of $60,000,000 in loting was indecisive, but on Saturday morning it was evithe Treasury, without retiring any of them, was evidently dent that sentiment was rapidly centering upon him, and for the purpose of creating a condition of things in the this the next roll call soon developed. McKinley leaped country which would get up a scare and stampede against upon his chair at the head of the Ohio delegation, and in the protective system. He was willing to do anything to the hush of the moment was heard by every man in the help "put in circulation the millions they had been hoard- hall. "I am not insensible to the honor you would do me," ing, and pay off that amount of Government debt, but he he said, "but in the presence of the duty resting upon me I would first have the country understand why the Adminis- can not remain silent with honor. I can not consistently tration had not done this long ago." with the wish of the State whose credentials I bear and which has trusted me; I can not with honorable fidelity to John Sherman, who has trusted me in his cause and with his cause; I can not consistently with my own views of personal integrity, consent, or seem to consent, to permit my name to be used as a candidate before this convention. I would not respect myself if I could find it in my heart to do, or permit to be done, that which could even be ground for any one to suspect that I wavered in my loyalty to Ohio, or my devotion to the chief of her choice, and the chief of mine. I do not request, I demand, that no delegate who would not cast reflection upon me shall cast a ballot for me." The effect on the convention was as he intended; but the pressure from the country for his nomination was by no means abated. The Connecticut and New Jersey delegations both determined to vote for him unanimously; but he went to their rooms and, in the words of a delegate, implored them "almost with tears in his eyes" not to do so. To one who suggested that he had done as noble a thing as was ever known in politics, he simply asked, "Is it such an honorable thing not to do a dishonorable act?" Although Congress remained in session through most of the campaign, he spoke throughout the country as widely and frequently as his official duties admitted. His best address, perhaps, was at Atlanta, Ga., Aug. 21, on the benefits of protection to the South, ever a favorite topic with him. "The protective system must stand as a whole or fall as a whole," he declared. "As Burke said of liberty, it is the clear right of all or of none. It is only perfect when universal. Men of Georgia, upon this great industrial question there should be no North or South. To us of every section the interests of our homes are uppermost; we have not been intrusted with the care of other nations and other peoples. We will not interfere with them; we bid them not to interfere with us. In this conflict, influenced by patriotism, National interest, and National pride, let us be Americans."

On April 2 he presented to the House the views of the minority of the Ways and Means Committee on the Mills tariff bill, which he had himself mainly prepared. In concluding this report, they said: "The minority regard this bill not as a revenue reduction measure, but as a direct attempt to fasten upon this country the British policy of free foreign trade. So viewing it, their sense of obligation to the people, and especially the working people employed in manufacturing and agriculture in all sections of our common country, impel them to resist it with all their power. They will assist the majority in every effort to reduce the redundant income of the Government in a direct and practicable way; but every effort of fiscal legislation which will destroy or enfeeble our industries, retard material development, or tend to reduce our labor to the standard of other countries will meet with their persistent and determined opposition." On May 18, the day the general debate was to close, McKinley delivered what was described at the time as "the most effective and eloquent tariff speech ever heard in Congress." In a well-turned illustration, at the expense of his colleague, Mr. Morse, of Boston, he showed, by exhibiting to the House a suit of clothes purchased at the latter's store, that the claims of Mills as to the prices of woolens were absurd, and by equal tact he convinced his hearers of the bad policy of our Government importing foreign blankets for the army, at the expense of domestic manufacturers and home labor, for the sake of saving about 30 cents apiece on them. Some of his objections to the bill, as it was then before the House, were so conclusive that its authors felt constrained to amend it in the particulars enumerated. He held that protection was from first to last a contention for labor, whether it should be well paid and independent, as befitted citizens of the republic, or poorly paid and degraded, as was conspicuously the case in governments where its opportunities and privileges were most contracted. "The hope of the country," said he, in conclusion, "is in the ballot. The future, and, as I conceive, the welfare and progress of the republic, the future condition of the wage-earners, depends upon the issue to be settled in November. Americans who love their country must be on guard on that day of supreme concern; it is their duty, their one great opportunity. Parties must be subordinated to the great interests of the masses. No

He was for the seventh time nominated and elected to Congress in the following November, defeating George P. Ikert by 4,100 votes.

In the Ohio campaign of 1889 he made about 60 speeches in half as many counties. One of the best of these was on Protection and Revenue," before a great audience in Cleveland, Oct. 5. At the organization of the Fifty-first

as he himself, was the subject of sneers and jests from every | towns. For more than eight weeks he averaged seven quarter. But he lost neither courage nor confidence. He speeches a day, ranging in length from ten minutes to an had no apologies or excuses to offer. He had not sought hour; and in this time he traveled over 16,000 miles and credit for his efforts for protection, and he feared no criti- addressed 2,000,000 people. Never were more effective speeches delivered, for at every point visited his party achieved phenomenal victories, and it carried the popular branch of Congress by more than a two-third majority.

cism.

In his first annual message, Jan. 3, 1893, he called attention to the financial condition of the State, enjoined economy in appropriations, and the application of strict business principles in every part of the public service. His sympathy with laboring men is apparent in his recommendation of additional protection to steam and electric railroad employees, and his interest in the problems of municipal government by his approval of what is called the Federal plan" of administration. On the seventy-first anniversary of the birth of Ulysses S. Grant he delivered an address in Galena, Ill., and on June 20 a memorial address on Rutherford B. Hayes in Delaware, Ohio, both of which were admired for their research and beauty. At the Republican convention in Ohio he was unanimously renominated for Governor, and he was re-elected by an overwhelming majority, the greatest ever recorded (with a single exception during the war) for any candidate up to that time in the history of the State. His competitor was Lawrence T. Neal, who, as a member of the Committee on Resolutions at the Democratic National Convention of 1892, had written the plank denouncing the new tariff law as a fraud," as "unconstitutional," as a "sham," and as "the culminating atrocity of class legislation." The issues discussed were National, and McKinley's voice was again heard in every locality in the State in earnest condemnation of "those twin heresies, free trade and free silver." In his second annual message he recommended biennial sessions of the Legislature; a revision of the tax laws by a commission created for the purpose; condemned any increase of local taxation and indebtedness; enjoined the necessity for economy; and warned his party, which had elected three fourths of the Legislature, that the greater its power the vaster were its responsibilities, and the less excusable was needless or reckless legislation.

On Feb. 22, 1894, McKinley delivered an address on the life and public services of George Washington, under the auspices of the Union League Club in the Auditorium at Chicago, which gave much gratification to his friends and admirers. He reluctantly consented to speak in Minneapolis on the tariff question Mar. 28, fearing it would be impossible to procure a representative audience at so early a season. Every county and town in the State was represented, and the large exposition hall in which the National Convention had been held was filled to its utmost capacity by an enthusiastic audience. Beginning at Bangor, Me., Sept. 8, and continuing through the next two months, he was constantly on the platform. The Wilson-Gorman tariff law had just been enacted, and to this he devoted his chief attention.

He

During the ensuing winter his official duties as Governor were made the more arduous by the prevalence of great distress in the mining districts of the Hocking valley. Gov. McKinley, by appeals to the generous people of the State, raised by voluntary contributions sufficient funds and provisions to meet every case of actual privation, the bulk of the work being done under his personal direction. Several serious outbreaks occurred during his administration, at one time requiring the presence of 3,000 of the National Guard in the field and entailing an outlay of more than $60,000, but this extraordinary expense was met by most advantageous arrangements with private capitalists without the expense and delay of an extra session of the Legislature. On three occasions prisoners were saved from mobs and safely incarcerated in the State prison. His declaration that "lynchings must not be tolerated in Ohio" was literally made good for the first time in any State administration. In Feb., 1895, he delivered notable addresses at Albany, N. Y., before the Unconditional Republican Club, on Lincoln, and at Rochester, on "The Business Man in Politics." In the following April he visited Hartford, Conn., and spoke to a State club that bore his name, and on Memorial Day he delivered an oration on Grant at his tomb in Riverside Park, New York city. In the ensuing political canvass he confined his speaking to Ohio, where, under his leadership, a decisive Republican victory was won.

On the expiration of his term as Governor he returned to his old home at Canton, at which he quietly remained during the next six months, except for a visit to Chicago to address the Marquette Club on Lincoln, Feb. 12, 1896. The country was already ablaze with political excitement, and many friendly advisers urged him not to speak there, as he might give his rivals the advantage of any possible mistake on such an occasion. But he spoke with his usual candor and sincerity, and, using Lincoln's views on the tariff as a text, boldly advanced his views upon what should constitute the Republican platform in the pending campaign. Simultaneously throughout the country began a movement in his favor that proved almost irresistible in every popular convention. State after State and district after district declared for him, until, when the National Convention assembled, he was the choice of more than two-thirds of the delegates for President, on the very platform that four months before he had so clearly outlined. Early in the contest he announced his determination not to engage in the speaking campaign, his only contribution to the cause to be his letter of acceptance. This proved to be one of the strongest papers of its kind in the annals of American politics, but the people were not content. Realizing that they could not induce him to set out on what he thought an undignified vote-seeking tour of the country, they began to flock by thousands to his modest home in Canton, and here from his doorstep he welcomed and spoke to them. In this manner more than 300 speeches were made from June 19 to Nov. 2, 1896, to the more than 750,000 strangers who came in from all parts of the country for that express purpose. His only departure from home during the campaign was a hasty trip to Cleveland to speak at the centennial anniversary of that city.

At Indianapolis, Sept. 26, Gen. Harrison introduced him to an audience such as had never before assembled in that city on the occasion of the opening of a State campaign, in the following felicitous words: "Major McKinley has endeared himself to all by his record as a gallant soldier, battling for the flag. He has honored himself, his State, and the country by his conspicuous services in high legislative and executive places. No man more than he is familiar with the questions that now engage public thought. No man is more able than he lucidly to set them before the people. I do not need to invoke your attention to what he shall say. will command it." After returning to Ohio to open the State campaign at Findlay, Gov. McKinley set out for the West, and in a series of speeches through Missouri, Kansas, Nebraska, Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, and again in Ohio, was greeted apparently by the entire populace. He proved himself one of the most re-tucky, West Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. About thirty markable campaigners the country ever has known. His meetings began at daybreak and continued until nightfall or later from his car, or from adjacent platforms, crowds greeting him at every station, and, whether stops had been arranged or not, blocking the track until he appeared and addressed them. He frequently spoke a dozen times a day, and two, three, or four times at night. In his trip through Wisconsin he spoke twenty-three times in sixteen hours. At Chicago the greatest political meeting in the history of the city greeted him; and at daylight he was speeding through Ohio, to conclude the campaign by a tour of his own State. On undertaking the journey he had agreed to make 46 speeches. He made them, and 325 more, in 300

Enthusiastic visitors from States as distant as Nebraska, Kansas, Missouri, Tennessee, Virginia, Maryland, Vermont, and New York came daily to mingle with the shouting thousands from all parts of Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, KenStates sent such delegations, and more than thirty times as many political clubs and organizations were represented in them. Men of both old parties and both old sections, and equally enthusiastic women and children, with every species of music and decorations. More than 50,000 came at the formal opening of the speaking campaign, and nearly as large crowds on three other great days. They tore down and carried away the wooden fences piecemeal, but were always good-natured and devoted to the leader, whose charming personality attracted them. His speeches were as remarkable for their good sense, originality, versatility, and effectiveness as these pilgrimages were unique and unprecedented. In spite of the enormous strain upon Major

In the Republican National Convention in St. Louis in June, 1896, he was nominated for President on the first ballot, and in the ensuing election he received a popular vote of 7,104,779, and a plurality of 601,854 over his principal opponent, William J. Bryan. In the electoral college McKinley received 271 votes, against 176 for Bryan. The prominent issues in the canvass were the questions of free coinage of silver and restoration of the protective tariff system.

He was inaugurated Mar. 4, 1897, and appointed as his cabinet: John Sherman, Secretary of State; Lyman J. Gage, Secretary of the Treasury; Russell A. Alger, Secretary of War; John D. Long, Secretary of the Navy; Joseph McKenna, Attorney-General; James A. Gary, Postmaster-General; Cornelius N. Bliss, Secretary of the Interior; James Wilson, Secretary of Agriculture. Before the term ended Secretary Sherman retired and was succeeded by William R. Day, and he by John Hay. Secretary Alger was succeeded by Elihu Root, Attorney-General McKenna by John W. Griggs, Postmaster-General Gary by Charles Emory Smith, and Secretary Bliss by Ethan Allen Hitchcock. President McKinley immediately called an extra session of Congress, to meet Mar. 15, for the purpose of revising the tariff. Mr. Nelson Dingley, of Maine, introduced the new measure on the first day of the session, and it was reported from the Ways and Means Committee on the 19th. It passed the House Mar. 31, and the Senate July 7; and after the question of amendments had been settled between the two Houses it received the President's signature July 24. The most important event of this administration was the war with Spain in 1898, which was brought on primarily by the condition of affairs in Cuba, and was perhaps hastened by the destruction of the battle-ship Maine in Havana harbor (Feb. 15). The President exhausted the resources of diplomacy to prevent the war, but, seeing the probability of it, hastened every preparation for a conflict. The result was the defeat of the Spanish forces in every battle, the end of Spanish dominion in Cuba, and the acquisition by the United States of Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands.

McKinley's mental resources, his physical powers were put in the future. . . . Without competition we would be clingto the sorest trial, yet no visitor was ever repelled or disap-ing to the clumsy and antiquated processes of farming and pointed. Not only was every delegation satisfied, but the manufacture and the methods of business of long ago, and country each morning was given some new text for con- the twentieth would be no further advanced than the eightemplation and conversation, always patriotic and encour- teenth century. But though commercial competitors we aging to the cause he espoused. Nothing like it was ever are, commercial enemies we must not be. The Pan-Ameribefore known. can Exposition has done its work thoroughly, presenting in its exhibits evidences of the highest skill and illustrating the progress of the human family in the Western Hemisphere. This portion of the earth has no cause for humiliation for the part it has performed in the march of civilization. It has not accomplished everything; far from it. It has simply done its best, and without vanity or boastfulness, and recognizing the manifold achievements of others it invites the friendly rivalry of all the powers in the peaceful pursuits of trade and commerce, and will cooperate with all in advancing the highest and best interests of humanity. The wisdom and energy of all the nations are none too great for the world work. The success of art, science, industry, and invention is an international asset and a common glory.... My fellow-citizens, trade statistics indicate that this country is in a state of unexampled prosperity. The figures are almost appalling. They show that we are utilizing our fields and forests and mines, and that we are furnishing profitable employment to the millions of workingmen throughout the United States, bringing comfort and happiness to their homes, and making it possible to lay by savings for old age and disability. That all the people are participating in this great prosperity is seen in every American community and shown by the enormous and unprecedented deposits in our savings-banks. Our duty in the care and security of these deposits and their safe investment demands the highest integrity and the best business capacity of those in charge of these depositories of the people's earnings. . . . We have a vast and intricate business, built up through years of toil and struggle in which every part of the country has its stake, which will not permit of neglect, nor of undue selfishness. No narrow, sordid policy will subserve it. The greatest skill and wisdom on the part of manufacturers and producers will be required to hold and increase it. Our industrial enterprises, which have grown to such great proportions, affect the homes and occupations of the people and the welfare of the country. Our capacity to produce has developed so enormously and our products have so multiplied that the problem of more markets requires our urgent and immediate attention. Only a broad and enlightened policy will keep what we have. No other policy will get more. In these times of marvelous business energy and gain we ought to be looking to the future, strengthening the weak places in our industrial and commercial systems, that we may be ready for any storm or strain. . . . By sensible trade arrangements which will not interrupt our home production we shall extend the outlets for our increasing surplus. A system which provides a mutual exchange of commodities is manifestly essential to the continued and healthful growth of our export trade. We must not repose in fancied security that we can forever sell everything and buy little or nothing. If such a thing were possible it would not be best for us or for those with whom we deal. We should take from our customers such of their products as we can use without harm to our industries and labor. Reciprocity is the natural outgrowth of our wonderful industrial development under the domestic policy now firmly established. What we produce beyond our domestic consumption must have a vent abroad. The excess must be relieved through a foreign outlet, and we should enlarge our sales and productions, and thereby make a greater demand for home labor.... The period of exclusiveness is past. The expansion of our trade and commerce is the pressing problem. Commercial wars are unprofitable. A policy of good-will and friendly trade relations will prevent reprisals. Reciprocity treaties are in harmony with the spirit of the times; measures of retaliation are not. If, perchance, some of our tariffs are no longer needed for revenue or to encourage and protect our industries at home, why should they not be employed to extend and promote our markets abroad? Then, too, we have inadequate steamship service. New lines of steamships have already been put in commission between the Pacific coast ports of the United States and those on the western coasts of Mexico and Central and South America. These should be followed up with direct steamship lines between the western coast of the United States and South American

A treaty for the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands was signed on June 16, 1897, and was confirmed by the Senate July 7, 1898, and on Aug. 12 the formal transfer of sovereignty was made.

In 1900 the Republican National Convention unanimously renominated President McKinley, and placed Theodore Roosevelt on the ticket for Vice-President. The President's principal opponent, as before, was William J. Bryan, and the issues were the same. In the election, Mr. McKinley received a majority over all of 443,054, and a plurality over Mr. Bryan of 832,280. In the electoral college he received 292 votes, against 155 for Mr. Bryan.

At the Pan-American Exposition, held in Buffalo in the summer of 1901, Sept. 5 was set apart as President's day. The attendance was very large, and President McKinley spoke to an audience estimated at 30,000 persons. His address was not only appropriate to the occasion, but significant of his policy for his new term, and it at once attracted attention and excited comment, mainly favorable, all over the world. The chief interest centered in these passages: "Expositions are the time-keepers of progress. They re-sell everywhere we can and buy wherever the buying will cord the world's advancement. They stimulate the energy, enterprise, and intellect of the people, and quicken human genius. They go into the home. They broaden and brighten the daily life of the people. They open mighty storehouses of information to the student. Every exposition, great or small, has helped to some onward step. . . . Comparison of ideas is always educational and, as such, instructs the brain and hand of man. Friendly rivalry follows, which is the spur to industrial improvement, the inspiration to useful invention and to high endeavor in all departments of human activity. It exacts a study of the wants, comforts, and even the whims of the people, and recognizes the efficacy of high quality and low prices to win their favor. The quest for trade is an incentive to men of business to devise, invent, improve, and economize in the cost of production. Business life, whether among ourselves, or with other peoples, is ever a sharp struggle for success. It will be none the less