IV. Personal charges of bad faith and bad conduct

A. That Lincoln was a trimmer in politics and a traitor to his party.

B. That Douglas had forged a campaign document.

C. That Douglas had conspired to secure pro-slavery legislation.

Although the debates were at first only of local interest, they assumed national importance and came to be read throughout the country. Douglas was elected Senator, but Lincoln had become a national figure. There was consolation for Lincoln, also, in the fact that the Republicans elected their state ticket by a majority of some 4000 votes and their Congressional candidates in the first four districts by large majorities. The vote for Senator in the legislature stood Douglas 54, Lincoln 46.

THE FIRST LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE At Ottawa, Ill., Aug. 21, 1858

MR. DOUGLAS'S OPENING SPEECH

1. Ladies and Gentlemen, I appear before you to-day for the purpose of discussing the leading political topics which now agitate the public mind. By an arrangement between Mr. Lincoln and myself, we are present here to-day for the purpose of having a joint discussion, as the representatives of the two great political parties of the State and Union, upon the principles in issue between those parties; and this vast concourse of people shows the deep feeling which pervades the public mind in regard to the questions dividing us.

2. Prior to 1854, this country was divided into two great political parties, known as the Whig and Democratic parties. Both were national and patriotic, advocating principles that were universal in their application. An old-line Whig could proclaim his principles in Louisiana and Massachusetts alike. Whig principles had no boundary sectional line: they were not limited by the Ohio River, nor by the Potomac, nor by the line of the free and slave States, but applied and were pro

claimed wherever the Constitution ruled or the American flag waved over the American soil. So it was and so it is with the great Democratic party, which, from the days of Jefferson until this period, has proven itself to be the historic party of this nation. While the Whig and Democratic parties differed in regard to a bank, the tariff, distribution, the specie circular, and the sub-treasury, they agreed on the great slavery question which now agitates the Union. I say that the Whig party and the Democratic party agreed on the slavery question, while they differed on those matters of expediency to which I have referred. The Whig party and the Democratic party jointly adopted the compromise measures of 1850 as the basis of a proper and just solution of the slavery question in all its forms. Clay was the great leader, with Webster on his right and Cass on his left, and sustained by the patriots in the Whig and Democratic ranks who had devised and enacted the compromise measures of 1850.

3. In 1851 the Whig party and the Democratic party united in Illinois in adopting resolutions indorsing and approving the principles of the compromise measures of 1850 as the proper adjustment of that question. In 1852, when the Whig party assembled in convention at Baltimore for the purpose of nominating a candidate for the presidency, the first thing it did was to declare the compromise measures of 1850, in substance and in principle, a suitable adjustment of that question. [Here the speaker was interrupted by loud and long-continued applause.] My friends, silence will be more acceptable to me in the discussion of these questions than applause. I desire to address myself to your judgment, your understanding, and your consciences, and not to your passions or your enthusiasm. When the Democratic convention assembled in Baltimore in the same year, for the purpose of nominating a Democratic candidate for the presidency, it also adopted the compromise measures of 1850 as the basis of Democratic action. Thus you see 2 that up

1 A typical misstatement. The Compromise was not thought of by either party as a solution of the slavery question. Feeling was so strong that the question could not be solved at this time and had to be compromised instead.

2 Douglas first misrepresents the Compromise Bill of 1850 and then bases a train of reasoning upon the misrepresentation.

to 1853-54 the Whig party and the Democratic party both stood on the same platform with regard to the slavery question. That platform was the right of the people of each State and each Territory to decide their local and domestic institutions for themselves, subject only to the Federal Constitution.

4. During the session of Congress of 1853-54 I introduced into the Senate of the United States a bill to organize the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska on that principle which had been adopted in the compromise measures of 1850,1 approved by the Whig party and the Democratic party in Illinois in 1851, and indorsed by the Whig party and the Democratic party in national convention in 1852. In order that there might be no misunderstanding in relation to the principle involved in the Kansas and Nebraska bill, I put forth the true intent and meaning of the act in these words: "It is the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any State or Territory, or to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Federal Constitution." Thus you see that up to 1854, when the Kansas and Nebraska bill was brought into Congress for the purpose of carrying out the principles which both parties had up to that time indorsed and approved, there had been no division in this country in regard to that principle except the opposition of the Abolitionists. In the House of Representatives of the Illinois legislature, upon a resolution 2 asserting that principle, every Whig and every Democrat in the House voted in the affirmative, and only four men voted against it, and those four were old-line Abolitionists.

5. In 1854 Mr. Abraham Lincoln and Mr. Lyman Trumbull entered into an arrangement, one with the other, and each with his respective friends, to dissolve the old Whig party on the one

1 As untrue as the statements which precede it. The principle was first clearly announced in this Kansas-Nebraska Bill of 1854 and was immediately opposed. See Appendix A, Popular Sovereignty and Compromise of 1850.

2 Douglas does not give the date of this resolution. Presumably it referred to the Clay Compromise of 1850 and not to the KansasNebraska Bill of 1854. We know from Lincoln's Bloomington Address that some Illinois Democrats opposed the Kansas-Nebraska Bill; we know that many Illinois Whigs opposed the bill.

hand, and to dissolve the old Democratic party on the other, and to connect the members of both into an Abolition party, under the name and disguise of a Republican party.1 The terms of that arrangement between Lincoln and Trumbull have been published by Lincoln's special friend, James H. Matheny, Esq.; and they were that Lincoln should have General Shields's place in the United States Senate, which was then about to become vacant, and that Trumbull should have my seat when my term expired. Lincoln went to work to Abolitionize the Old Whig party all over the State, pretending that he was then as good a Whig as ever; and Trumbull went to work in his part of the State preaching Abolitionism in its milder and lighter form, and trying to Abolitionize the Democratic party, and bring old Democrats handcuffed and bound hand and foot into the Abolition camp. In pursuance of the arrangement the parties met at Springfield in October, 1854, and proclaimed their new platform. Lincoln was to bring into the Abolition camp the old-line Whigs, and transfer them over to Giddings, Chase, Fred Douglass, and Parson Lovejoy,2 who were ready to receive them and

1 This charge of an arrangement between Trumbull and Lincoln was false, though it is true that Matheny had (as Lincoln said in the third debate, at Jonesboro, September 15) done "some such immoral thing as to tell a story that he knew nothing about." For the facts about this election see the introduction to the Bloomington Speech and also Lincoln's letter to E. B. Washburne, Feb. 9, 1855.

2 Joshua R. Giddings (1795-1864) of Ohio, as a member of Congress 1838-1859 opposed the Compromise of 1850, the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and other measures for the extension of slavery.

Salmon P. Chase (1808-1873) of Ohio, as early as 1837 acted as attorney for a fugitive slave; helped to found the Liberty Party in 1841 as a protest against the encroachments of slavery; presided over the first national convention of the Free Soil Party in 1848; was United States Senator 1849-1855; opposed the Compromise of 1850 and the Kansas-Nebraska Bill; was Governor of Ohio 18551861; was a prominent candidate for the Presidency in the Republican convention of 1860; was Secretary of the Treasury in Lincoln's cabinet 1861-1864; succeeded Taney as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court in 1864.

Frederick Douglass (1817-1895), whose mother was a negro slave and whose father a white man, began lecturing for the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society in 1841; in 1845-1846 lectured upon slavery

christen them in their new faith. They laid down on that occasion a platform for their new Republican party, which was thus to be constructed. I have the resolutions of the State convention then held,1 which was the first mass State convention ever held in Illinois by the Black Republican party; and I now hold them in my hands and will read a part of them, and cause the others to be printed. Here are the most important and material resolutions of this Abolition platform:

1. Resolved, That we believe this truth to be self-evident, that, when parties become subversive of the ends for which they are established, or incapable of restoring the government to the true principles of the Constitution, it is the right and duty of the people to dissolve the political bands by which they may have been connected therewith, and to organize new parties upon such principles and with such views as the circumstances and the exigencies of the nation may demand.

2. Resolved, That the times imperatively demand the reorganization of parties, and, repudiating all previous party attachments, names, and predilections, we unite ourselves together in defence of the liberty and Constitution of the country, and will hereafter co-operate as the Republican party, pledged to the accomplishment of the following purposes: to bring the administration of the government back to the control of first principles; to restore Nebraska and Kansas to the position of free Territories; that, as the Constitution of the United States vests in the States, and not in Congress, the power to legislate for the extradition of fugitives from labor, to repeal and entirely abrogate the Fugitive-Slave law; to restrict slavery to those States in which it exists; to prohibit the admission of any more slave States into the Union; to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia; to exclude slavery from all the Territories over which the general government has exclusive jurisdiction; and to resist the

in England and upon the continent of Europe; in 1847 became editor of an anti-slavery newspaper in Rochester, New York; in 1861 urged Lincoln to employ colored troops and to emancipate the slaves.

Owen Lovejoy (1811-1864) was an Abolition leader elected to the Illinois legislature in 1854 and to Congress in 1856.

1 Douglas is again misstating facts. For an account of the first State Convention of the Republican party see introduction to the Bloomington Speech. The Chicago Press and Tribune denounced as a forgery Douglas's quotation of the alleged platform which follows in the text. Lincoln exposed the Judge in the second debate, at Freeport. See Tarbell, Life of Lincoln II, 108-110.