MEMOIR OF S. S. PRENTISS.

CHAPTER XIV.

Return to Washington-Letters-Speech on the Defalcations of Public OfficersExtracts-Description of a Speech on the Navy-Letters-His Congressional

Life.

ET. 30. 1838-9.

HE thus announced his return to Washington, in a letter dated December 18, 1838 :

I arrived in the city last evening, in good health and spirits. I came by the way of New Orleans, Mobile, Montgomery, Charleston, &c., and had a tedious, but in some respects pleasant trip; having never before travelled through the same section of country. I was detained by professional business, which prevented me from being here at the opening of the session; but do not regret it, as nothing of much importance has yet transpired. I merely drop you this line in great haste, to apprise you of my safe arrival, and shall in a day or two write again.

TO HIS SISTER ANNA

MY DEAR SISTER :

WASHINGTON CITY, Dec. 28, 1838.

I wrote a hasty note upon my arrival here last

week, promising to write again in a few days. I have delayed,

expecting to spend Christmas day in New York, and to write from there. In this anticipation I was disappointed. Our House adjourned over only for two days, and at the time of adjournment was engaged in an interesting discussion, in which I was desirous of participating; of course I had to give up my intention of going to New York. Yesterday I made a speech; my text was the corruption and profligacy of the present Administration, and I did not spare the lash, in exposing their folly and wickedness. The recent defalcations of Swartwout and others formed the subject of debate, which has been very warmly carried on for several days. I was honored with a very crowded and attentive auditory, and spoke about three hours. I do not know that I shall speak again during the session. I am heartily tired of the place, and should rejoice to return home to-morrow.

There is nothing new, and the Metropolis is extremely dull. A place less interesting, at least to me, could not be easily found. Every day's experience confirms me in the wisdom of my resolution to retire from public life, which is principally characterized, at this time, by ignorance, discourtesy, and profligacy. I wish you all a happy and a merry Christmas, and wish I was with you to partake of the good feelings and good cheer which always accompany this pleasant season. You must write me very often this winter, if your health will permit—but of that you must be extremely cautious, and if you find writing injurious you must omit it, though it will deprive me of much gratification. I am glad that Abby enjoyed her visit to New York so much, and returned in such improved health. My love to you all, and a thousand kind wishes accompany it.

Your affectionate

SEARGENT.

The speech, referred to in this letter, contains some things of which its author, on reflection, did not quite approve. The specimens which it gives of the correspondence carried on for several years between the Secretary of the Treasury and his defaulting subordinates, certainly justified the utmost severity of rebuke; the records of the government, it is to be

hoped, afford no parallel to this extraordinary correspondence. But aside from the political satire and invective, which in such a case were legitimate weapons, there are expressions of personal contempt that exceed the proprieties of parliamentary discussion. Perhaps the bitter assaults which had been made upon him, during the year, by the official organ and other prominent Administration journals, were in part the cause of these sharp and scornful expressions. Even his lameness was not always spared by his political enemies.

Mr. Thorpe very justly remarks: "I find this speech, which is far from being equal to a hundred of his that were never noticed beyond the fleeting hour of their delivery, crowded with figures, all beautiful, but in many instances. lacking that depth of thought for which Mr. Prentiss was so remarkable. To me it seemed, when I read it, more like his conversation when he was warmed up by social intercourse, than like a speech."*

The following extracts, given with such slight omissions and occasional substitution of official for personal names as charity and respect for the dead seemed to require, contain the substance of this speech. It is a melancholy reflection, that the barbarous "spoils system," denounced by Mr. Prentiss with such righteous severity, should ever have been followed by his own party. Had anybody predicted, in 1838-9, what has actually occurred, the good men of that party would, probably, have exclaimed with Hazael: "But what! is thy servant a dog that he should do this great thing?"† The history of the last fifteen years shows only too plainly that the "spoils " poison has infected the whole country, engendering a frantic lust of office, which, unless speedily checked, is likely in the end to brutalize and destroy the national life.

*American Review, 1851.

+ 2 Kings, viii. 13.

The House being in Committee of the Whole upon the President's Message (John Quincy Adams in the chair), Mr. Prentiss spoke as follows:

I had intended, on a former occasion, to express my views upon some of the topics embraced in the President's message, more especially the subject of the recent defalcations. I am, however, so unfortunate as to be viewed by the official eye of this House through an inverted telescope, and it is not often that I can obtain the floor. With much pleasure, therefore, I avail myself of the opportunity at present afforded me. That portion of the message to which I shall principally turn my attention, to wit, the defalcations of the public officers, has been already ably considered by my honorable friend from Virginia (Mr. Wise), as well as by the distinguished member from Tennessee (Mr. Bell). But it is a subject which cannot be too often or too thoroughly discussed. Its examination will, I am confident, eviscerate more of the principles upon which this Government has for some years been administered, and furnish us more valuable lessons for future guidance, than any other matter that can occupy our deliberations. I am sorry to observe a rapidly increasing hostility upon this floor to the discussion of great political principles. One would suppose, in listening to some gentlemen, that Congress was constituted, like a county court, for the trial of petty individual claims, instead of being the great political tribunal of the nation, whose province and duty it is, not only to notice all important events in the action of the Government, but to investigate the causes from which they have resulted.

Defalcations of the most alarming character, and for an immense amount, carried on and concealed for a series of years by the collector of the principal commercial city of the Union, have been recently developed. The President has seen fit to call our particular attention to this case, and to make, in connection therewith, divers suggestions as to the best mode of preventing similar occurrences hereafter.

"It seems proper (says the President), that by an early enactment, similar to that of other countries, the application of public money, by an officer of the Government, to private uses, should be made a felony, and visited with severe and ignominious punishment."

He further recommends that a committee of Congress be appointed to watch the officers who have the custody of the public moneys, and that they should "report to the Executive such defalcations as were found to exist, with a view to a prompt removal from office, unless the default was satisfactorily accounted for."

The Secretary of the Treasury has also given us a report upon this same subject, in which he expresses his astonishment that such an occurrence should have happened without his knowledge; exhibits, like the President, a most holy horror at the enormity of the offence; and recommends the appointment of an additional tribe of officers to watch over those already in power, as the best mode of avoiding similar mishaps in future.

To listen to the well-assumed astonishment of the President and Secretary at the discovery of Swartwout's peculations, onc would readily suppose that defalcation, under the present Administration, like parricide among the ancients, had heretofore been a crime unknown, and consequently unprovided for by justice. Hearken to the philosophical musings of the President on this point:

"The Government, it must be admitted, has been from its commencement comparatively fortunate in this respect. But the appointing power cannot always be well advised in its selections, and the experience of every country has shown that public officers are not at all times proof against temptation."

Wonderful sagacity! Unparalleled discovery! Who will now deny the title of "magician" to the man who has developed the astounding fact "that public officers are not at all times proof against temptation?"

The embezzlements of Swartwout have caused this truth to flash upon the sagacious mind of the Chief Magistrate, and with