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at once, otherwise the new Republic is likely to have its baptism of blood Anabaptist fashion by immersion, rather than by sprinkling. It is a thing almost inconceivable that in the immutable East a dynasty two hundred and fifty years old should vanish like the legendary spectre at cock-crow. The revolutionary delegates at Nanking, without waiting for the national conference which was to decide the question of the future Constitution, have taken the law into their own hands, and have elected Sun Yat Sen first President of the Chinese Republic. It is to be hoped that .this will not be a case of more haste less speed.

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The Jew the Enemy of Peace.

No one has ever accused me of anti-Semitism. I owe too much to the authors of the Old and New Testaments to be other than eternally grateful to the Jews. I am therefore all the more bound to warn my Jewish friends that they may give a dangerous impetus to the anti-Semitic movement if they persist in subordinating the interests of the general peace to the pursuit of their vendetta with Russia. It is of course easy to understand, and even to a large extent to sympathise with the savage and relentless determination of the Jew to get even with the Russian, no matter how, by embroiling other nations, no matter which, in disputes with Russia. But it is a dangerous game. For it suggests that the Jew, even when he is treated with perfect equality and admitted to all the privileges of citizenship, is still a Jew, first, last, and all the time, and one who, whenever the occasion arises, can be relied upon to sacrifice the interests of his adopted country to the avenging of the wrongs of Israel. The peace of Asia depends upon good relations being maintained between Russia and the two great English-speaking States. But both in England and in America we find the Jewish element active in promoting discord. In England the pretext is Persia, but in America the cause of the Jew is put forward without disguise. In both countries the Jew is the most zealous, the most dangerous ally of all who seek to embroil the Englishspeaking world in war with Russia. They have fish of their own to fry, no doubt. But they must not expect us to like their attempt to burn down our house in order to fry their fish.

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Americans have never fought. Russia sold Alaska to the United States for a song, and when England and France were threatening to recognise the Confederacy a Russian fleet appeared at New York as the outward and visible sign of the sympathy of the Tsar with the cause of the Union. Now, however, it would seem the Jews have changed all that. In place of peace and amity and friendly relations, America is to be launched upon a commercial war with the Russian Government. Both Houses of Congress have approved of the abrogation of the Treaty of Commerce between America and Russia which has governed the commercial relations of the two countries since 1832. The Russians forbid the free entry into the Russian Empire of the Jews, just as the Americans forbid the free entry of the Chinese into America. Many Jews are American citizens, and many Chinese are subjects of Russia. But whereas Russia acquiesces in the exclusion of her Chinese subjects from America, Americans object to the exclusion of American Jews from Russia. As Russia refuses to open her doors to those whom she regards as undesirable immigrants, the Americans have denounced their Treaty of Commerce with Russia, and the Duma, taking up the challenge, have responded by resolutions menacing a tariff war with a preliminary duty on American imports of 100 per cent.

Retrogression in Russia.

The hopes that were expressed in some quarters that the administration of M. Kokofftseff would be more liberal than that of M. Stolypin have been rudely disappointed. What may be described as the Unionist policy in Finland, as opposed to the Home Rule policy under which Finland prospered so much before the coming of Bobrikoff, is being carried out as relentlessly by M. Kokofftseff as by his predecessor. This is unfortunate for Finland, but doubly unfortunate for Russia, which has enough troubles on hand without wantonly arousing the fears of the Finns, who are only too ready to suspect their powerful neighbour of still more heinous designs upon their independence. There is not, I am assured, any truth in the monstrous story that Russia meditates forcing the manufacture and sale of vodka upon the temperate Finns. That would be an outrage comparable only to the war by which Britain thrust opium upon the Chinese. The reduction of the Education vote, in order to provide the funds for the contribution to the military expenditure of the Russian Empire, is a melancholy but striking illustration of the sacrifice of culture to militarism. It cannot be to Russia's interest to

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The False Friends. of Persia.

It is common ground among all Liberals that it is desirable that the Persians should be allowed, and not only allowed but encouraged, and not only encouraged but helped, to govern themselves. It is also common ground among all men that it is desirable that the integrity of Persia should be preserved, if for no other reason than that Persia, as a buffer State, should continue to prevent the Russian and British Empires becoming conterminous in Asia. To preserve this integrity it is essential that the Persians should maintain some semblance of order in the territory they profess to govern, and that they should curb their desires for the extreme exercise of their independence within such limits as would prevent collisions with their neighbours in the north or in the south. Unfortunately the Persians have not maintained order; and even more unfortunately they have been lured into a course of action which brought them into sharp conflict with their neighbours in the north. The inevitable result followed. The Persians ignored what the Russians regarded as their interests or their rights. The Russians replied by a double-barrelled ultimatum backed by a threat to march on Teheran. The Persians refused at first to give way, and their resistance aroused the enthusiasm of anti- Russians everywhere. That enthusiasm abroad was of little importance, but at Tabriz, the anti-Russian element, Armenian, Jewish and Turkish, came into armed collision with the Russian troops. The usual recriminations followed, but the British Consul has reported that there is no truth in the accusations brought against the Russians of massacring the inhabitants.

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The Only Way Out.

The Russians provisionally occupy Tabriz, where it is obvious the Teheran Government is incapable of maintaining order. As the Persian Government has submitted to the ultimatum the march on Teheran is stopped. In the middle zone between the Russian and British sphere of influence the local forces of disorder got so far out of hand as to attack and wound the British Consul, who was on his way to Shiraz escorted by a hundred armed The incident illustrates the dangerous state of things prevailing throughout Persia, and the absurdity of regarding the Persians as a homogeneous selfgoverning unit. Persian independence spells anarchy if it is absolute, and the only way to preserve Persian integrity is for the Persians and their sympathisers in Europe and America to acquiesce with good grace in the temporary exercise of a limited

men.

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THEIR MAJESTIES' HOST AND HOSTESS FOR THE DURBAR :

Lord and Lady Hardinge, the Viceroy and Vicereine.

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Beyond that they have done nothing. The Arabs and the Turks from time to time attack their outposts, and are driven back, only to return and deliver another attack at the first convenient opportunity. Mr. Bennet Burleigh, the veteran war correspondent of the Daily Telegraph, estimates the daily cost of the war to Italy at £250,000. The Italian Government, however, declares that it has only cost £3,600,000 up to Christmas, and at that rate they can carry on without a loan till the end of 1912. All talk of extending the war to the Dardanelles or the Levant appears to have been abandoned. Count Aehrenthal informed the Hungarian delegation on the 28th that "our chief task will be to contribute towards effecting a settlement honourable to both parties alike in the Turco-Italian war, which is not without danger to the other States." He added that "we sincerely wish that the conclusion of peace shall maintain the force and authority of Turkey intact, which will constitute a fresh guarantee of peaceable neighbourly relations between Turkey and the Balkan States." Lord Beaconsfield, it will be remembered, boasted that he had consolidated the Ottoman Empire

by depriving it of Bosnia, the Herzegovina, and Bulgaria. Possibly Count Aehrenthal thinks the loppingoff of Tripoli will leave "the force and authority of Turkey intact." Excepting on such an interpretation it is difficult to harmonise his speech with his policy.

The Situation in Constantinople.

The Ottoman pilgrims of peace have not yet left Constantinople, nor does it at present seem likely that they will come westward. For Damad Ferid Pasha, the Sultan's brother-in-law, who was to have headed the pilgrimage, has undertaken the leadership of the new Union of Liberal Accord, which is rallying all the forces opposed to the Committee of Union and Progress for the purpose of overthrowing the Government. As all the nominated pilgrims are leading members of the new Union and the old Committee, it is impossible for them to perambulate Europe when they are fighting for their lives at Constantinople. Said Pasha, the Grand Vizier, is now forming a new Cabinet. The army seems to be growing restive, and it would surprise no one if Parliament were to be dissolved and a Government of National Defence

organised to carry on the war and put down revolutionary movements in Macedonia and Albania. If the army holds together the temporary suspension of the Constitution may be carried out without any serious disorders. But if by any chance the army should be split into two factions and civil war ensued, it will be difficult, if not impossible, to prevent the long-dreaded general scramble for the Sick Man's inheritance. The insistence of some friends of humanity upon the immediate carrying out of radical internal reforms before helping the Sultan to keep his dominions together reminds one of the fanatical Presbyterians who insisted upon Charles the Second taking the Solemn League and Covenant before consenting to help him against Oliver Cromwell.

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A

against

the Strong.

The lesson of the events of 1911 League of the Weak is that it is high time for all the small nations of Europe to put their heads together to consider whether or not they cannot do something to strengthen their position against their stronger neighbours. The treaties upon which they relied have been proved to be little better than waste paper. The Powers which they hoped would maintain the public law of Europe have shown themselves cynically indifferent to their treaty obligations. Tripoli has been abandoned to the Italian raiders. Whose turn will it be next? Norway and Sweden are uneasy lest Russia should develop her policy in Finland into aggression on Scandinavia. Denmark and Belgium fear that they may be the cockpit of an Anglo-German war. Holland and Switzerland have much to tempt the aggressor. Bulgaria and Servia, Greece and Montenegro may be used to pay the stakes of the loser. No one feels safe. It is difficult to see what the small nations can do save to seek shelter under the wing of their stronger neighbours, which may protect them for a consideration. The outlook is very gloomy. In the long run things will right themselves; but for the meantime the sky is very dark.

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Le Cri de Par.s.

After the Agreement.

GERMANY: "Friends?" JOHN BULL: "Friends!"

although the reasons which he gives for his despondency are by no means convincing. means convincing. The most interesting point in the Delbrück interview is his admission that our two-keels-to-one standard is not unreasonable, in view of the absolute dependence of the British Empire on the sovereignty of the seas There is a general concurrence of opinion that at present nothing can be done to promote better relations between the two countries. The danger is

that Mr. Winston Churchill may flinch from maintaining the two-keels-to-one standard, preferring to precipitate a settlement rather than go on preparing and postponing..

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